Native American Slavery

Friday, February 11, 2022 8:21:00 PM

Native American Slavery



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Black Native American fight to regain status

As sociologist William Julius Wilson stressed 20 years ago in his misunderstood classic, The Declining Significance of Race, the locus of racial conflict in our society has moved from the economic to the social and political spheres. G Glenn C. An historic transformation on race-related issues in the United States is taking place. Arguments about black progress are but one part of the broader endeavor to recast our national understanding of racial matters—an undertaking of enormous importance.

A struggle that succeeded brilliantly to win legal equality for blacks after a century of second-class citizenship has for the most part failed to win a national commitment toward eradicating the effects of this historical inheritance. The civil rights approach—petitioning the courts and the federal government for relief against the discriminatory treatment of private or state actors—reached its limit more than a decade ago. Deep improvement in the status of many blacks has taken place, even as the underclass has grown, and there seems to be no politically effective way of mobilizing a national assault on the remaining problems.

What is more, there has been profound demographic change in American society since the s. During this period, nearly 20 million immigrants have arrived on our shores, mostly from non-European points of origin. But nowadays, as a political matter, to focus solely on the old tension between blacks and whites is to miss something of basic importance. It is against this backdrop that statistical analyses of the status of African Americans are being conducted.

Assessing how much or how little progress has taken place for blacks, and why, is one of the most fiercely contested empirical issues in the social sciences. That assessment has always had problems, in my view. In any event, it is no longer tenable. Now the dominant voices on this subject come from right of center. They seem decidedly unfriendly to black aspirations. With great fanfare, these conservatives declare the historic battle against racial caste to have been won. Abigail and Stephan Thernstrom, with their new book, America in Black and White: One Nation, Indivisible, offer a prime example of this mode of assessment.

This line of argument should not be permitted to shape our national understanding of these matters. Permit me briefly to say why. A social scientist of any sophistication recognizes that societies are not amalgams of unrelated individuals creating themselves anew—out of whole cloth, as it were—in each generation. A complex web of social connections and a long train of historical influences interact to form the opportunities and shape the outlooks of individuals.

Of course, individual effort is important, as is native talent and sheer luck, for determining how well or poorly a person does in life. But social background, cultural affinities, and communal influence are also of great significance. But the deeper truth is that, for some three centuries now, the communal experience of the slaves and their descendants has been shaped by political, social, and economic institutions that, by any measure, must be seen as oppressive. We should not ignore the behavioral problems of the underclass, but we should discuss and react to them as if we were talking about our own children, neighbors, and friends.

This is an American tragedy, to which we should respond as we might to an epidemic of teen suicide, adolescent drunken driving, or HIV infection among homosexual males—that is, by embracing, not demonizing, the victims. The problem with talk about black culture, black crime, and black illegitimacy, as explanatory categories in the hands of the morally obtuse, is that it becomes an exculpatory device—a way of avoiding a discussion of mutual obligation. It is a distressing fact about contemporary American politics that simply to make this point is to risk being dismissed as an apologist for the inexcusable behavior of the poor.

But this is what political discourse assessing the status of blacks has come to. It has left a legacy still felt among Indigenous populations in the east, and it is also one of the most hidden narratives in American historical literature. The historical record of trading enslaved Indigenous peoples is found in disparate and scattered sources including legislative notes, trade transactions, enslaver journals, government correspondence, and especially church records, making it difficult to account for the entire history. Every European nation that colonized North America forced enslaved Indigenous peoples to perform tasks such as construction, plantations, and mining on the North American continent and their outposts in the Caribbean and European cities.

European colonizers of South America also enslaved Indigenous peoples as part of their colonization strategy. Nowhere is there more documentation of enslavement of Indigenous peoples than in South Carolina , the location of the original English colony of Carolina, established in It is estimated that between and , at least 50, Indigenous peoples and likely more due to transactions hidden to avoid paying government tariffs and taxes were exported by the English alone to their Caribbean outposts. Between and , far more Indigenous peoples were exported than Africans were imported. In southern coastal regions, entire tribes were more often exterminated through enslavement compared to disease or war. In a law passed in , enslaved Indigenous peoples were conscripted to fight in wars for the colony long before the American Revolution.

Indigenous peoples found themselves caught in between colonial strategies for power and economic control. The fur trade in the Northeast, the English plantation system in the south, and the Spanish mission system in Florida collided with major disruptions to Indigenous communities. Indigenous peoples displaced from the fur trade in the north migrated south where plantation owners armed them to hunt for enslaved people living in the Spanish mission communities.

The French, English, and Spanish often capitalized on trading enslaved people in other ways; for example, they garnered diplomatic favor when they negotiated the freedom of enslaved people in exchange for peace, friendship, and military alliance. This was illustrated by the British establishing ties with the Chickasaw who were surrounded by enemies on all sides in Georgia. Armed by the English, the Chickasaw conducted extensive raids designed to capture enslaved people in the lower Mississippi Valley where the French had a foothold, who they then sold to the English as a way to reduce Indigenous populations and keep the French from arming them first.

Ironically, the English believed arming the Chickasaw to conduct such raids was a more effective way to "civilize" them compared to the efforts of the French missionaries. Between and , as many as 50, Indigenous peoples were captured by other Indigenous tribe members and sold into enslavement in the Virginia and Carolina colonies. Most who were captured were part of the feared Indigenous confederacy known as the Westos. Forced from their homes on Lake Erie, the Westos began conducting military raids of enslaved people into Georgia and Florida in In addition, enslaved Native Americans often successfully escaped from their owners, as they were familiar with the geography and could elude slave catchers and return to their homelands.

Therefore, after the Yamasee War, the African transatlantic slave trade to the North American colonies drastically increased to account for the loss of Native American slaves. Some members of the Five Tribes became owners of enslaved black women and men themselves, as they increasingly adapted to Euro-American norms, such as style of dress and governmental structure. Beginning in the late s and intensifying in the early s, members of the Five Tribes used enslaved black women and men as domestic and agricultural labourers. For example, Chickasaw planters exported an estimated 1, bales of cotton in ; this cotton was picked and processed by black slaves. Comparatively, in , the state of Georgia produced , bales of cotton.

In , about 30 years after their removal to Indian Territory from their respective homes in the Southeast, Cherokee Nation citizens owned 2, slaves 15 percent of their total population , Choctaw citizens owned 2, slaves 14 percent of their total population , and Creek citizens owned 1, slaves 10 percent of their total population. Chickasaw citizens owned slaves, which amounted to 18 percent of their total population, a proportion equivalent to that of white slave owners in Tennessee, a former neighbour of the Chickasaw Nation and a large slaveholding state.

This made the Chickasaws the largest slave-holding nation of the Five Tribes, in proportion to their population. National laws restricted the movement of enslaved people, preventing them from learning to read and write, and prohibited interracial relationships. However, as in the US, the majority of people in these nations did not own slaves. Large-scale crop production and the system of slavery that made it possible and lucrative were mainly adopted by wealthier Native families, whose prosperity allowed them to influence the political, social, and economic affairs of their nations.

Thus, an influential proportion of tribal citizens stood to lose a vital part of their economic resources if emancipation took place. The Five Tribes involved themselves in the Civil War militarily to preserve their practice of slavery and to fight for political autonomy. Members of all nations served on both the Union and Confederate sides of the war, and a number of battles took place within Indian Territory. After the war, the treaties signed between the US and all five of these slaveholding Native American nations, called the Treaties of , ended wartime hostilities and freed and enfranchised people of African descent.

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