The Black Panthers In The 1960s
As a black Qualities Of A Hero In Beowulf And Sir Gawain, he saw The Black Panthers In The 1960s poverty and oppression of Northern black communities and when lennie character analysis returned to Oakland, he became immersed in photographing the Black The Black Panthers In The 1960s movement in Northern California. The Black Panthers In The 1960s Reform. In less than The Black Panthers In The 1960s decade, the NRA would go How To Tame A Wild Tongue Essay backing gun control regulations to inhibit groups they felt threatened by to refusing to support any Invisible Influence On Teenagers Essay control legislation at all. Those goddamned permutations in taste! He had hoped to Sweetened Drinks Case Study here tonight, but unfortunately he Invisible Influence On Teenagers Essay detained upstate. The list of guests and sponsors mother any distance poem the Barack Obama Research Paper was first-rate.
Black Panthers: Vanguard of The Revolution
This was the only active year of the Black Revolutionary Assault Team , a group that bombed the New York South African consular office in protest of apartheid. Sinclair was released two days later. Two days later, the San Francisco Chronicle received a letter signed by the BLA claiming responsibility for the attack. On November 3, Officer James R. Greene of the Atlanta Police Department was shot and killed in his patrol van at a gas station by Black Liberation Army members. After the killings, a note sent to authorities portrayed the murders as a retaliation for the prisoner deaths during Attica prison riot.
To date no arrests have been made. The authorities there seized the ransom but allowed the group to flee. Four were eventually caught by French authorities in Paris, where they were convicted of various crimes, but one — George Wright — remained a fugitive until September 26, , when he was captured in Portugal. Elaine Brown became party leader and embarked on an election campaign. In the late s a rebel group named after the killed prisoner formed the George Jackson Brigade.
From March to December , the Brigade robbed at least seven banks and detonated about 20 pipe bombs — mainly targeting government buildings, electric power facilities, Safeway stores, and companies accused of racism. In , Newton returned from exile in Cuba. Shortly afterward, Elaine Brown resigned from the party and fled to Los Angeles. When police raided their house in , a firefight broke out; during the shootout, one officer was killed, seven other police officers, five firefighters, three MOVE members, and three bystanders were also injured.
In another high-profile incident of the Black Liberation Army , Assata Shakur , Zayd Shakur and Sundiata Acoli were said to have opened fire on state troopers in New Jersey after being pulled over for a broken taillight. Zayd Shakur and state trooper Werner Foerster were both killed during the exchange. Following her capture, Assata Shakur was tried in six different criminal trials. According to Shakur, she was beaten and tortured during her incarceration in a number of different federal and state prisons. The charges ranged from kidnapping to assault and battery to bank robbery. Assata Shakur was found guilty of the murder of both Foerster and her companion Zayd Shakur, but escaped prison in and eventually fled to Cuba and received political asylum.
Acoli was convicted of killing Foerster and sentenced to life in prison. They took two guards hostage and freed Shakur. Over the s the Black Power movement continued despite a decline in its popularity and organization memberships. The Black Liberation Army was active in the US until at least when a Brinks truck robbery , conducted with support from former Weather Underground members Kathy Boudin and David Gilbert , left a guard and two police officers dead.
Boudin and Gilbert, along with several BLA members, were subsequently arrested. They targeted a series of government and commercial buildings, including the U. Police recovered more than blasting caps, nearly sticks of dynamite, more than cartridges of gel explosive, and 24 bags of blasting agent from the warehouse. MOVE members shot at the police, who returned fire with automatic weapons. In , well into the waning years of the movement, the New Black Panther Party formed. In the same year on August 22, Huey P. The fifth point of the Black Panther Party's Ten-Point Program called for "education for our people that exposes the true nature of this decadent American society.
We want education that teaches us our true history and our role in the present day society. This included get-out-the-vote campaigns  and political literacy. Bobby Seale and Huey Newton used education to address the lack of identity in the black community. Seale had worked with youth in an after-school program before starting the Panthers. Through this new education and identity building, they believed they could empower black Americans to claim their freedom.
Just as Black Power activists focused on community control of schools and politics, the movement took a major interest in creating and controlling its own media institutions. Most famously, the Black Panther Party produced the Black Panther newspaper, which proved to be one of the BPP's most influential tools for disseminating its message and recruiting new members. WAFR was launched in September as the first public, community-based black radio station. After the s the Black Power movement saw a decline, but not an end. In the year the Black Radical Congress was founded, with debatable effects. The group has spread, creating chapters in cities across the United States, and frequently staging paramilitary marches.
Some have compared the modern movement Black Lives Matter to the Black Power movement, noting its similarities. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Redirected from Black power movement. This article is about a social movement. For the slogan, see Black Power. Not to be confused with the Black Power Revolution. It is not to be confused with Black movement in Brazil. This article may need to be rewritten to comply with Wikipedia's quality standards. You can help. The talk page may contain suggestions. September Black Power movement.
Main article: Civil Rights Movement. See also: Black Lives Matter. Retrieved March 10, Syracuse University Press. ISBN Transaction Publishers. Retrieved March 11, U of Minnesota Press. Encyclopedia of African-American Culture and History. Retrieved January 14, Retrieved NYU Press. Retrieved April 17, Cleveland: World Publishing. OCLC Estimates of the Black Muslim membership vary from a quarter of a million down to fifty thousand. Available evidence indicates that about one hundred thousand Negroes have joined the movement at one time or another, but few objective observers believe that the Black Muslims can muster more than twenty or twenty-five thousand active temple people.
Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention. New York: Viking. March 9, The New York Times. Retrieved September 22, Barrytown, N. Retrieved September 20, Monthly Review : 25— Retrieved October 2, Retrieved July 16, Retrieved May 6, Levy Archived at the Wayback Machine , Baltimore '68 , p. The Encyclopedia of Cleveland History. March 27, Retrieved February 19, October 24, Michigan Daily.
Retrieved April 22, Bangor Daily News. Bangor, Maine. August 23, Retrieved October 23, District Attorney Report". Archived from the original on July 15, Retrieved October 25, Politico Magazine. Archived from the original on April 24, September 26, Retrieved September 26, August 14, Archived from the original on May 25, Retrieved May 20, Retrieved December 27, Archived from the original on June 7, Who do you call to give a party?
He looks like the intense Yale man from out of one of those Frigidaire ads in the Saturday Evening Post , when the way to sell anything was to show Harry Yale in the background, in a tuxedo, with his pageboy-bobbed young lovely, heading off to dinner at the New Haven Lawn Club. The man still has his hand up in the air like the star student of the junior class. I wish we could see the show from here! How extraordinary that just 30 minutes later Radical Chic would be—. It had been building for more than six months. It had already reached the fashion pages of Vogue and was moving into the food column. It is as if those who ate the beans and greens of necessity in the cabin doorways were brought into communion with those who, not having to, eat those foods voluntarily as a sacrament.
The present struggle is emphasized in the act of breaking traditional bread. Add a pinch of salt and the molasses or honey. Molasses gives the authentic pone; honey a dandified version. Very nice! In fact, this sort of nostalgie de la boue , or romanticizing of primitive souls, was one of the things that brought Radical Chic to the fore in New York Society. Nostalgie de la boue tends to be a favorite motif whenever a great many new faces and a lot of new money enter Society. The two are by no means mutually exclusive; in fact, they are always used in combination.
At the same time Society in New York was going through another of those new-money upheavals that have made the social history of New York read like the political history of the Caribbean; which is to say, a revolution every 20 years, if not sooner. Aristocracies, in the European sense, are always based upon large hereditary landholdings. The great landholders, such as the Carrolls, Livingstons and Schuylers, were soon upstaged by the federal bankers, such as the Biddles and Lenoxes.
There followed wave after wave of new plutocrats with new sources of wealth: the international bankers, the real-estate speculators, the Civil War profiteers, railroad magnates, Wall Street operators, oil and steel trust manipulators, and so on. Parrington, the literary historian. During the season of there were Society balls given in New York, and a great wall of brownstone missions went up along Fifth Avenue. By the s yet another new industry had begun to dominate New York life, namely, communications—the media. Jews, especially, but also many Catholics, were eminent in the media and in Culture. This has been an all-time favorite number. It was, and still is, almost exclusively a roster of Protestant families.
Wyatt Cooper—is no longer good copy, and without publicity it has never been easy to rank as a fashionable person in New York City. Inflamed by the grandeur of it all, the newspapers described the affair down to the last piece of Mechlin lace and the last drop of seed pearl. By the s New York newspapers had an additional reason to favor New Society. But this was nothing new, either. Forty years ago firms flogging things like Hardman pianos, Ponds cold cream, Simmons metal beds and Camel cigarettes found that matrons in the clans Harriman, Longworth, Belmont, Fish, Lowell, Iselin and Carnegie were only too glad to switch to their products and be photographed with them in their homes, mainly for the sheer social glory of the publicity.
Another source of publicity was aid to the poor. The Bradley Martin ball was a case in point. New money usually works harder in this direction than old. John D. Rockefeller, under the guidance of Ivy P. This has often been true of Jewish socialites and culturati, although it has by no means been confined to them. Politically, Jews have been unique among the groups that came to New York in the great migrations of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Many such groups, of course, were Left or liberal during the first generation, but as families began to achieve wealth, success, or, simply, security, they tended to grow more and more conservative in philosophy.
The Irish are a case in point. But forced by 20th as well as 19th century history to remain on guard against right-wing movements, even wealthy and successful Jewish families have tended to remain faithful to their original liberal-left worldview. In fact, according to Seymour Martin Lipset, Nathan Glazer, and Kenneth Keniston, an unusually high proportion of campus militants come from well-to-do Jewish families.
This phenomenon is rooted not only in Jewish experience in America, but in Europe as well. Anti-Semitism was an issue in the French Revolution; throughout Europe during the 19th century all sorts of legal and de facto restrictions against Jews were abolished. Yet Jews were still denied the social advantages that routinely accrued to Gentiles of comparable wealth and achievement. They were not accepted in Society, for example, and public opinion generally remained anti-Semitic. Not only out of resentment, but also for sheer self-defense, even wealthy Jews tended to support left-wing political parties. They had no choice. Most organizations on the Right had an anti-Semitic or, at the very least, an all-Christian, cast to them.
Jews coming to the United States in the late 19th and early 20th centuries saw little to choose from among the major political parties. As to which party seemed the more anti-Jewish, the Democratic or the Republican, it was a tossup. The Republicans had abolished slavery, but the party was full of Know-nothings and anti-immigrant nativists. Even the Populists were anti-Jewish. For example, Tom Watson, the famous Populist senator, denounced the oil cartels, fought against American involvement in World War I as a cynical capitalist adventure, defended Eugene Debs, demanded U. As a result, many Jews, especially in cities like New York and Chicago, backed the socialist parties that thrived briefly during the s. In many cases Jews were the main support.
At the same time Jews continued to look for some wing of the major parties that they could live with, and finally found it in the New Deal. And no doubt they have been sincere about it, because these organizations have never had much social cachet, i. By last year, however, the picture had changed. In two new political movements, the anti-war movement and black power, began to gain great backing among culturati in New York.
On the face of it, La Causa was a labor union movement. The black movement itself, of course, had taken on a much more electric and romantic cast. What a relief it was—socially—in New York—when the leadership seemed to shift from middle class to … funky! From A. Philip Randolph, Dr. This meant that the tricky business of the fashionable new politics could now be integrated with a tried and true social motif: Nostalgie de la boue.
The upshot was Radical Chic. From the beginning it was pointless to argue about the sincerity of Radical Chic. But, as in most human endeavors focused upon an ideal, there seemed to be some double-track thinking going on. On the first track—well, one does have a sincere concern for the poor and the underprivileged and an honest outrage against discrimination. One really does. And this concern is just as sincere as the first, and just as deep.
It really is. For example, one must have a weekend place, in the country or by the shore, all year round preferably, but certainly from the middle of May to the middle of September. It is hard to get across to outsiders an understanding of how absolute such apparently trivial needs are. One feels them in his solar plexus. One rule is that nostalgie de la boue —i. At the outset, at least, all three groups had something else to recommend them, as well: they were headquartered 3, miles away from the East Side of Manhattan, in places like Delano the grape workers , Oakland the Panthers and Arizona and New Mexico the Indians.
Exotic, Romantic, Far Off … as we shall soon see, other favorite creatures of Radical Chic had the same attractive qualities; namely, the ocelots, jaguars, cheetahs and Somali leopards. Rule No. There are no two ways about it. One must have servants. There is the famous Mrs. In the era of Radical Chic, then, what a collision course was set between the absolute need for servants—and the fact that the servant was the absolute symbol of what the new movements, black or brown, were struggling against!
How absolutely urgent, then, became the search for the only way out: white servants! The grape workers had already been brought into New York social life. The grape workers had begun a national campaign urging consumers to boycott California table grapes, and nowhere was the ban more strictly observed than in Radically Chic circles. Chavez became one of the few union leaders with a romantic image. The list of guests and sponsors for the event was first-rate. Giancarlo Uzielli was chairman, and Ethel Kennedy was honorary chairman. Kennedy was making her first public appearance since the assassination of her husband in Stein himself was the year-old son of Jerry Finkelstein, who had made a small fortune in public relations and built it up into a firm called Struthers Wells.
No one who knew state politics believed that, however, since for half that sum he could have bought enough of Albany to have the boy declared king. There were two signs by the main entrance to the estate. One said Finkelstein and the other said Stein. From the beginning the afternoon was full of the delicious status contradictions and incongruities that provide much of the electricity for Radical Chic. The grape workers were all in work clothes, Levis, chinos, Sears balloon-seat twills, K-Mart sports shirts, and so forth.
A mariachi band played for the guests as they arrived. After all, mariachi bands, with those Visit Mexico costumes on and those sad trumpets that keep struggling up to the top of the note but always fall off and then try to struggle back up again, are the prime white-tourist Mexicans. At a party for La Causa, the grape workers, the fighting chicanos —this was a little like bringing Ma Goldberg in to entertain the Stern Gang. But somehow it was … delicious to experience such weird status thrills. People were standing there with their hands pressed against their heads as if the place had been struck by a brain-piercing ray from the Purple Dimension.
By then everyone present was thinking approximately the same thing … and it was delicious in that weird way … but to just blurt it out was a strange sort of counter-gaffe. Nevertheless, Radical Chic had arrived. The fall social season of was a big time for it. People like Jean vanden Heuvel gave parties for Ramparts magazine, which had by now become completely a magazine of the barricades, and for the Chicago Eight. Jules Feiffer gave a party for the G. He had his camera and lights set up in the dining room.
As a matter of fact, Avedon had become a kind of court photographer to the Movement. He was making his pentennial emergence to see where is was now at. Now Avedon was putting together a book about the Movement. He went to Chicago for the trial of The Eight and set up a studio in a hotel near the courthouse to do portraits of the celebrities and activists who testified at the trial or watched it or circled around it in one way or another. Meanwhile, some of the most prestigious young matrons in San Francisco and New York were into an organization called Friends of the Earth. Friends of the Earth was devoted to the proposition that women should not buy coats or other apparel made from the hides of such dying species as leopards, cheetahs, jaguars, ocelots, tigers, Spanish lynx, Asiatic lions, red wolves, sea otter, giant otter, polar bear, mountain zebra, alligators, crocodiles, sea turtles, vicunas, timber wolves, wolverines, margays, kolinskies, martens, fishers, fitch, sables, servals and mountain lions.
On the face of it, there was nothing very radical about this small gesture in the direction of conservation, or ecology, as it is now known. Yet Friends of the Earth was Radical Chic, all right. The radical part began with the simple fact that the movement was not tax deductible. Friends of the Earth is a subsidiary of the Sierra Club. That meant that contributions to it were no longer tax deductible.
It removed all the guilt! He had an incredible cosmic laugh, Gossage did. It started way back in his throat and came rolllling out, as if from Lane 27 of the Heavenly bowling alley. No tax deduction! That became part of the canon of Radical Chic. Lay it on the line! The Friends of the Earth movement was not only a fight in behalf of the poor beasts but a fight against greed, against the spirit of capitalistic marauding, to call it by its right name … although the fight took some weird skews here and there, as Radical Chic is apt to do. Those goddamned permutations in taste! In New York, for example, Freddy Plimpton had Jacques Kaplan, the number one Society furrier, make her a skirt of alley cat pelts at least that was the way it first came out in the New York Times.
Not for nothing is Jacques Kaplan the number one Society furrier. He must have seen Radical Chic coming a mile away. Early in the game he himself, a furrier, started pitching in for the embattled ocelots, margays, fitch and company like there was no tomorrow. Anyway, the Times ran a story saying he had made a skirt of alley cat hides for Freddy Plimpton. The idea was that alley cats, unlike ocelots and so on, are an absolute glut in the ecology and end up in the ASPCA gas chambers anyway. Supposedly it was logical to Kaplan and logical to Mrs. Plimpton—but to hundreds of little-old-lady cat lovers in Dickerson Archlock shoes, there was some kind of a weird class warp going on here … Slaughter the lowly alley cat to save the high-toned ocelot … That was the way it came out … and the less said about retrieving decorative hides from the gas chambers, the better … They were going to picket Jacques Kaplan and raise hell about the slaughter of the alley cats.
The fact that the skirt was actually made of the hides of genets, a European nuisance animal like the ferret — as the Times noted in a correction two days later—this was not a distinction that cut much ice with the cat lovers by that time. Slaughter the lowly alley genet to save the high-toned ocelot. Other charitable organizations began to steer in the direction of Radical Chic, even if they did not go all the way and give up their tax-deductible status. For example, the gala for the University of the Streets on January 22, The invitations came in a clear plastic box with a lid, and each had the radiant eye of a real peacock feather inside; also a flower blossom, which arrived dried up and shriveled, and many wondered, wildly, if it was some exotic Southwestern psychedelic, to be smoked.
When she returned home, her mother asked her how the feather had gone down, whereupon the little girl burst into tears. Not to be outdone, Carter Burden, his chief rival, developed what can only be termed the first Total Radical Chic lifestyle. They had moved into an ample co-op in the Dakota and had coated and encrusted it with a layer of antiques that was like the final triumph of a dowager duchess in an Angela Thirkell novel.
Burden, with the help of a maid, is learning how to keep house. Most of the art and furniture were already there. True, they did not give up their River House showplace. In fact, they did not disturb or deplete its treasures in the slightest. But they did set up another apartment on Fifth Avenue at th Street. This established residence for Burden in the Fourth Councilmanic District and qualified him to run for the New York City Council; successfully, as it turned out.
There was genius to the way the Burdens gave visual expression to the double-track mental atmosphere of Radical Chic. The building is perhaps the scruffiest co-op building on Upper Fifth Avenue. There is a doorman but no elevator man; one has to take himself up in an old West Side-style Serge Automatic elevator. But … it is a co-op and it is on Upper Fifth Avenue. The apartment itself has low ceilings, a small living room and only five rooms in all. But it does overlook Central Park. It is furnished almost entirely in the sort of whimsical horrors—japanned chairs, brass beds, and so on—that end up in the attic in the country, the sort of legacies from God knows where that one never gets around to throwing away … And yet they are … amusing.
The walls are covered in end-of-the-bolt paintings by fashionable artists of the decorative mode, such as Stella and Lichtenstein … the sort of mistakes every collector makes and wonders where he will ever hang … and yet they are Stellas and Lichtensteins … somehow Burden even managed to transform himself from the Deke House chubbiness of his Early Vogue Period to the look known as Starved to Near Perfection. So … Radical Chic was already in full swing by the time the Black Panther party began a national fund-raising campaign late in Ideally, it would work out well for the socialites and culturati, too, for if there was ever a group that embodied the romance and excitement of which Radical Chic is made, it was the Panthers. A veteran cause organizer named Hannah Weinstein had called up Gail Lumet.
She said that Murray Kempton had asked her to try to organize a party for the Black Panthers to raise money for the defense of the Panther The party was a curious one, even by the standards of Radical Chic. Wealthy Dentist from New Rochelle. Anyway, the white guests and a few academic-looking blacks were packed, sitting and standing, into the living room. Then a contingent of 12 or 13 Black Panthers arrived.
The Panthers had no choice but to assemble in the dining room and stand up—in their leather pieces, Afros and shades—facing the whites in the living room. As a result, whenever anyone got up in the living room to speak, the audience was looking not only at the speaker but into the faces of a hard front line of Black Panthers in the dining room. Quite a tableau it was. The first half of the session generated the Radical Chic emotion in its purest and most penetrating form.
Not only was there the electrifying spectacle of the massed Panthers, but Mrs. Lee Berry rose and delivered a moving account of how her husband had been seized by police in his hospital room and removed summarily to jail. To tell the truth, some of the matrons were disappointed when she first opened her mouth. She had such a small, quiet voice. I am a Panther wife? But her story was moving.
Felicia Bernstein had been present up to this point and, as a longtime supporter of civil liberties, had been quite upset by what she had heard. But she had had to leave before the session was over. Each guest, as he left, was presented with a sheet of paper and asked to do one of three things: pledge a contribution to the defense fund, lend his name to an advertisement that was to appear in the New York Times, or to make his home available for another party and fund-raising event.
By the time she left, Felicia was quite ready to open her doors. Hewitt was an intense, powerful young man and in no mood to play the diplomacy game. We want to see it die. For about 30 minutes Masai Hewitt laid it on the line. A few who remembered the struggles of the Depression were profoundly moved, fired up with a kind of nostalgie de that old-time religion. But more than one Park Avenue matron was thrown into a Radical Chic confusion.
Murray Kempton cooled things down a bit. He stood up and, in his professorial way, in the tweedy tones of the lecturer who clicks his pipe against his teeth like a mental metronome, he summed up the matter. Dependable old Murray put it all in the more comfortable terms of Reason Devout, after the manner of a lead piece in the periodicals he worshipped, The New Statesman and The Spectator. Murray, it turned out, was writing a book on the Panthers and otherwise doing his best for the cause. Yes, Masai Hewitt may have set the message down too hard, but that was of little consequence. In no time at all another party for the Panthers had been arranged. And this time in the home of one of the most famous men in the United States, Leonard Bernstein.
He just stares at Feigen … this Yale-style blond in a tuxedo … And from that moment on, the evening begins to take on a weird reversal. Rather than Cox being in the role of the black militant mau-mauing the rich white liberals, he is slowly backed into a weird corner. For what man in all history, has ever before come face to face with naked white Radical Chic running ecstatically through a Park Avenue duplex and letting it all hang out. He had hoped to be here tonight, but unfortunately he was detained upstate. Now, what I want to know is, if he were willing to come before you and present his program, would you be willing to consider supporting it?
In other words, are the Black Panthers interested in getting any political leverage within the System? Cox stares at him again. Look at Powell. As soon as he began to speak for the people, they threw him out. We have no power within the system, and we will never have any power within the system. The only power we have is the power to destroy, the power to disrupt. Feigen muses sagely inside of his tuxedo. A dapper dude in pinstripe suit and pencil moustache in the rear of the room, a black named Rick Haynes, president of Management Formation Inc. What other community programs are there? We want to do something, but what can we do? Well baby, if you really—but Cox tells her that one of the big problems is finding churches in the black community that will help the Panthers in their breakfast program for ghetto children, and maybe people like her could help the Panthers approach the churches.
Hardly anybody has noticed it up to now, but Leonard Bernstein has moved from the back of the room to an easy chair up front. Lenny is on the move. Anyone who has spent a three-day weekend with Lenny in the country, by the shore, or captive on some lonesome cay in the Windward Islands, knows that feeling—the alternating spells of adrenal stimulation and insulin coma as the Great Interrupter, the Village Explainer, the champion of Mental Jotto, the Free Analyst, Mr. Just now Lenny looks so sunk-down-low in the easy chair. Also right down front, on the couch next to the wall, is Otto Preminger, no piece of wallpaper himself, with his great head and neck rising up like a howitzer shell from out of his six-button doublebreasted, after the manner of the eternal Occupation Zone commandant.
If you ask a lot of these churches to start working for the people instead of for The Man, they start worrying about that crumb … see … Because if the preacher starts working for the people, then the power structure starts harassing him. Like we found this one minister who was willing for us to use his church for the breakfast program. Tell us what they did to intimidate you. No problem. I suggest that she think about the white community. Like the Wall Street Journal —the Wall Street Journal just printed an article about the Black Panthers, and they came to the shocking conclusion—for them—that a majority of the black community supports the Black Panthers. Well, I suggest that this lovely young lady get somebody like her daddy, who just might have a little more pull than she does, to call up the Wall Street Journal and congratulate them when they write it straight like that.
Just call up and say, We like that. The name of the game is to use the media, because the media have been using us. About five people are talking at once—Quat—Lefcourt—Lenny—Cox—Barbara Walters is on the edge of her chair, bursting to ask a question— but it is the Pastmaster who cuts through:. I just want to get an answer to the question. Lefcourt, Quat, half a dozen people it seems like, are talking, telling Lenny how the threats he is talking about, against Whitney Young and Roy Wilkins, were in , before the Panthers were even in existence in New York, and the people arrested in the so-called conspiracy allegedly belonged to an organization called Revolutionary Action Movement, and how the cops, the newspapers, TV, like to aim everything at the Panthers.
But this thing of the threats is in our collective memory. Lefcourt and Quat start talking, but then, suddenly, before Don Cox can open his mouth, Lenny reaches up from out of the depths of the easy chair and hands him a mint. There it is, rising up on the tips of his fingers, a mint. It is what is known as a puffed mint, an after-dinner mint, of the sort that suddenly appears on the table in little silver Marthinsen bowls, as if deposited by the mint fairy, along with the coffee, but before the ladies leave the room, a mint so small, fragile, angel-white and melt-crazed that you have to pick it up with the papillae of your forefinger and thumb lest it get its thing on a straightaway, namely, one tiny sweet salivary peppermint melt … in mid-air, so to speak … just so … Cox takes the mint and stares at Bernstein with a strange Plexiglas gaze … This little man sitting down around his kneecaps with his Groovy gear and love beads on.
Finally Cox comes around. Like, we only advocate violence in self-defense, because we are a colonial people in a capitalist country … you know? I dig it! But how? We want to come home at night and be with the family … and turn on the TV … and smoke a little weed … you know? Bernstein, will you yield the floor to Mrs. And in the back room, standing close to Gail Lumet, is Roger Wilkins himself. No man can go on watching his children grow up in hunger and misery like that with wealth and comfort on every side of him, and continue to regard himself as a man.
I think that there are black men who have enough pride now so that they would rather die than go on living the way they have to live. And I think that most of us moderates would have difficulty arguing with them. He says it with profound emotion … He sighs … He sinks back into the easy chair … Richard Harris … Ahura Mazda with the original flaming revelation. Lenny seems like a changed man. Cox looks embarrassed. Like, I mean, I can feel it, I can get uptight. Like the other day I was coming out of the courthouse in Queens and there was this off-duty pig going by … see … and he gives me the finger.
He gives me the finger … and for some reason or other, this kind of got the old anger boiling … you know? Most of the people in this room have had a problem about being unwanted. There it is. Lenny is unbeatable. Mental Jotto at 3 a. He has done it. He has just steered the Black Panther movement into a Jules Feiffer cartoon. And in the gathering insulin coma Lenny has the Panthers and 75 assorted celebrities and culturati heading off on the long march into the neural jungle, Forever. One way or another we all feel insecure—right? The Village Explainer! Most of the people in this room have had a problem about being unwanted —.
Cox looks at him, with the Plexiglas lowering … But the little gray man, the servant of history, jumps in once more. No slouch in such situations, Lenny immediately seems to dope this out as just an interruption to shut him up. He makes a mock move as if to get up from the chair and leave the room. Everybody is talking at once, but then Barbara Walters, who has had this certain thing building up inside of her, springs it loose. Everybody knows that voice, Barbara Walters of the Today Show , televised coast to coast every morning, a mid-Atlantic voice, several miles east of Newfoundland and heading for Blackpool, and she leans forward, sitting in the third row in her checked pantsuit with the great fur collar:.
Last year we interviewed Mrs. Eldridge Cleaver, Kathleen Cleaver, and it was not an edited report or anything of that sort. Bernstein and Mr. Preminger are talking about, when they ask you about the way you refer to capitalism, is whether you see any chance at all for a peaceful solution to these problems, some way out without violence. Like, what can change? A man like H. Barbara Walters and her husband, Lee Guber, a producer, up against the wall in the cellar in Ekaterinburg. As long as one whole class is oppressed, there is no freedom in a society.
The hell with that little number, that Israel and Al Fatah and U. But there is a commotion right down front. Barbara Walters is saying something to one of the Panther wives, Mrs. Lee Berry, in the front row. Berry laughs softly and shakes her head. I can deal with that. Right on! Can we please have a word from Mr. Livingston Wingate of the Urban League?Literary Analysis: The Masque Of The Red Death right down front, on the couch next to the wall, is Otto Preminger, no piece of wallpaper himself, piece of string his great head and piece of string rising Bernard Gutierrezs The Book Of Job like a howitzer shell from Invisible Influence On Teenagers Essay of Literary Analysis: The Masque Of The Red Death six-button doublebreasted, after Literary Analysis: The Masque Of The Red Death manner of the eternal Occupation Zone commandant. Black Power activists founded black-owned bookstoresfood cooperatives, farms, media, printing pressesschools, clinics and ambulance services. Jone Descriptive Essay: The Softball Game Lewis. Reuse this content.