Kiran Sethis Speech: Kids, Take Charge

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The design guru who started India’s top school from home - Kiran Bir Sethi - Global Teacher Prize

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It has made me grateful for surprise findings, nudged me to see rather than look. But it has also laid out limitations. Once we make sense of the accidental, what then? This picture gives me a lot and I am grateful. Such bifurcations along the lines of naming and claiming have long dissected all social movement politics, but illuminating them is especially central for our time, in which speaking across factions has become more essential than ever Where do movements draw their perimeters of included actors and how do we account for fractures?

Are all exclusions similar? Whose exclusion is legitimate? And whose framing of legitimation has value? In contrast, the distinction that emerges from the narratives in this book is the lack of claiming or engagement by the actors and institutions in any direction. It is this distinction that is central to this theorizing. How, then, do we consider the possibilities of not calling a movement or mechanism by its name, without intention? As someone trained in the language and theory of feminism, especially in the contexts of the souths, I owe my elders a tremendous debt. But alongside my discomfort in this paradoxical category clubbing is a sense of trust in meaningful intellectual expansion that might lie beyond the comfort zones of known categorization.

Even so, beyond frameworks, to return to the original question—is parity feminism? Beyond not being sufficient, seemingly feminist optics like a focus on parity can be dangerous, as governance feminism Halley et al. Besides, to the extent we can reframe what we consider to be feminist, is such a reframing useful or capable of integrity? Ca n Feminism Be Acciden ta l? As Ratna Kapur cautions us, the work of radical theorists cannot be to shy away from that which does not feel naturally radical or aligned in our politics. Or can lack of intention still do some work worth paying attention to, even if the work is not about emboldening such movements or identity?

I have lived what I know now to be a life of alterity, a queer life, long before I knew queer was a word or a performed politic. Does it get watered down by the fact that her position is conditional on her beloved child luring her into happenstance allyship? That she would have remained embedded in her preconceived fears about alterity? She certainly did not imagine the kind of leisure in her life that would include the possibility of a solo vacation in Barcelona or any of the other luxuries my respondents describe. They are connected with their relative indifference. I had just finished an interview with a young female law firm partner that had gone far longer than the time I had allocated for it.

She dated, but told me she had no plans to marry any time soon. And, upon additional examination, it would stop giving me as much comfort. Shielded from the need to defend their actions as gendered which might have attracted backlash, or seemed polarizing , certain law firms instead have managed to offer spaces where, despite not meaning to do gender differently, there exist early institutional blueprints for sustainable demographic parity. When a set of unintended conditions results in seeming equality, is it desirable or is it dangerous? But it was also a pattern in utter contrast with accounts of gender in professional work more generally.

The historic timelines of appointment vary by court and start at the year the first judge was appointed: i. They have since been replaced by male justices. Until , only one woman was designated at the three courts. After then, the percentage has risen. Men Women figure 3. Source: Legally India, July 12, They also stood in contrast to broader accounts of gender and professional work in India and globally. And this is even more true in sites outside the global north. As other stratification theorists following the tradition of Bourdieuian social topography have argued, class is never just economic. A similar theoretical purchase motivated the research in this book.

Second, in addition to new kinds of work, market liberalization also introduced new kinds of work and workplaces. India had no local offices of multinational consulting firms before As Gupta et al. Subsequent interviews — specifically probed ideologies around gender and paid attention to the experience of gender in the workplace. However, upon analyzing the relevance of the gender finding, I found it was also useful to test the proposition that new kinds of work environments could offer the potential to renegotiate rigidly set background assumptions about gender Ridgeway and Correll ; Ridgeway The impetus for this addition of a third site was not motivated with the intention to offer a comprehensive account of another field, nor was the attempt to make the comparison comprehensive in all aspects.

This offered the extension for the preliminary hypothesis that novelty was the only mechanism at play, and that varying some of the other site characteristics could offer analytical purchase. Even for the casual observer, the explosion of the IT sector has been the capstone of globalization in the local professional landscape. At the most abstract level, some part of the divergence in lived experience might be explained by the novelty of their environments, as I detail in chapter 2.

This book makes a recursive, layered argument over the course of four empirical chapters that illuminate a range of structural conditions at play in creating this unexpected parity in elite law firms but not in other similar sites. It is this exceptionalism that grounds the empirical core of this book. In the first empirical chapter chapter 2 , I explore the role of institutional novelty in moderating the experience of gender. Gender theorists and social psychologists e. Indian law firms, unlike other neoliberal industries in the country, are domestically founded and managed. I show that this unique structural premise forces them to use two distinct logics of emergence. Law firms, on the other hand, see their nondiscrimination as an explicit function of being modern and meritocratic.

Meritocracy is notorious for seeming fair while resulting in inegalitarian outcomes. I remember thinking it would be so much better if I just took a cab instead of waiting for the train that would take me four stops to my station and then walking another thirty minutes to get home. This is not especially remarkable. Such ironic juxtapositions take place across the world and they are hardly cause for documentation. More recent studies on elite professional work e.

It is this transition that this book examines. And you start referring work to us. And I said okay, I should make it a point. We should make it more inclusive. Class advantages could help them get through the door, but once in, other kinds of recurring patriarchal scripts kept them bound. But again, this is not a streamlined or linear class argument of the kind we might expect. This preexisting framework of an ideal worker implicated new kinds of barriers.

As a result, in professions like law, the reforms propagated new actors and clients that demanded professionals who could cater to new kinds of transactional work such as international mergers and acquisitions and global public offerings. Like the IT sector, management consulting firms are privately owned and managed with predominantly bureaucratic scripts focusing on industry best practices and attention to global comparisons. A law degree is still considered easy to obtain, especially since many talented students choose other subjects Dhru But the benefits may be diminishing. Madhava Menon, widely regarded as the godfather of this innovation, was committed to creating an institutional model distinct from traditional Indian law schools. And students are evaluated on a range of criteria, including research papers, class participation, and internships whereas rote memorization and lectures are the norm in traditional law colleges.

Foci Jindal Global Law School, which use a modified LSAT for admissions and have international institutional collaborators and a young, globally trained faculty. In , about 45, students took this test compared to about 11, in , when it was first administered. Some of this symbiosis reflects disenchantment with the possibilities available in litigation. Foci placement in a corporate desk job. Thus, although the broad provisions of the Advocates Act prohibit entry, India continues to offer a range of hybrid professional spaces that circumvent this blanket barrier. Yet this is hardly an uncomplicated success. However, a handful of elite firms dominate most transactional work. Few students come from rural areas like the northeast and Kashmir Basheer et al. Even when networks are not directly useful to obtaining permanent jobs in new law firms, they can help students land the internships that can lead to jobs Gingerich et al.

Men are more likely to have tenure and be represented on academic councils. They are more likely to be cited and referenced in the classroom, and their scholarship is more likely to be referenced and cited and prescribed in pedagogy. And the few feminist scholars who have tried to make the spaces their own have had to deal with backlash. Of course, this was not just about pedagogy and culture. In the next chapter, I deal with the specificities of this socialization and the frameworks for gender and work that it helped mold. What is at the core of this difference? However, even among similarly new and elite professional firms, differences are stark.

The first is between older and newer kinds of professional practice. Still, novelty alone was not sufficient explanation. Viewed from this perspective, the stark findings of gender disadvantage flow naturally. With few domestic education institutions to train students, law in colonial India was reserved for the elites. In turn, this substandard credentialing alternative helped put in place a strong intergenerational advantage transfer system. This substandard education played another systemic role in strengthening this demarcation.

This contrast between Priya and Saraswati is useful to highlight the distinctions between older and newer sites. Does a team of 4 boys differ from a team with 2 boys and 2 girls or 4 girls? But you cannot do anything about this. And their gender composition impacted the choices firms made at recruitment. They are still W a minority and have very high rates of attrition. This, as Mihir suggests below, made consulting firms much better in comparison to the schools from which they recruited. As I laid out in chapter 1, this contrast was rooted in analytical variation.

Second, this wave of educational reform was well timed with broader changes in the Indian economy. The open markets also resulted in the first spate of global investors, and thus, clients. Yet, this did not disadvantage law firm associates in the Indian setting. This feminization of work in itself is not uncommon. Fr a mes e. But this was not the only point of comparison. When we travel on transactions, for example. They would never tell anyone that, of course. But I know if they could choose between me and a man, they would—in an instant. Unlike in regular colleges, I got in NLS the kind of exposure that was life shaping. Fr a mes work in comfortable environments was such a new form of work that it had no attachment to a predominant gender frame.

This lack of association was key to setting in place a diffuse framework of expectation and role formation where gender was not primed in the construction of the ideal worker. This lack of expectation allowed for a more interactive negotiation of the hierarchy, and, over time, the creation of a new one. Together, it is this simultaneous novelty of law schools and law firms that truly did give them a chance to experience their work in new, egalitarian ways. At the core of this comparative experience is that even when keeping class constant, environments can change experience.

And the reinforcing pattern for gender equality that it offered between students and professionals was, even if fortuitous, accidental. It focuses particularly on one way in which such identity claiming was done by not focusing on gender as a disadvantaged identity. Against this mostly defeatist background, the Indian law firm case assumes even greater prominence. It was to assuage this concern that Indian law firms engaged in what I term speculative isomorphism that led them to mimic the firms they wanted to be like without actually having a formal relationship with them.

But we have learnt, we have managed. Fir ms that signaled their commitment to meritocracy and competence. Not discriminating on gender was just one more way in which they could signal modernity. In fact, sometimes I think we have the better work product. India Shining, and all that. At the same time, this was as much an opportunity as a disadvantage. And by boisterously opposing the entry of foreign law firms, Indian law firms risked undermining their ability to signal a competitive global image to their competitors and clients alike.

His worry was not unfounded. And it was not in vain. While litigation practices and smaller firms operated in decrepit old buildings, offices of large elite law firms in Mumbai looked and felt like international law firms. And this commitment was well received. The only big break we get is Christmas, when the US and UK just shut down and work starts to slow down. Fir ms looked like?

How did they think their own firms compared? And the environment that we have been able to create. And in their need to aggressively signal both competence and competitive advantage in a global environment, meritocracy was the ideal norm they paid ceremonial deference to. They recruited from similarly elite business schools, often shared office spaces in the same compounds as the law firms, and worked the same kinds of hours.

Still, many insisted that this was despite the firm being completely committed to equality. With this shifted burden of blame, what Subbu saw as a difficult path ahead for herself was to Bhavesh something that his firm could no longer do anything about. I spoke a lot to [name of managing partner], saying what do you want me to do? Flex hours? This contrast did not go unnoticed. But other structural advantages helped her peers in law firms.

Firm See? Firm Do. But as firms seeking to emerge as global players, elite law firms with global clients found themselves in a unique position. While consulting firms, with their clear global identity, could afford to blame the attitudes and culture in India for their failed implementation of equality initiatives and outcomes e. Elite domestic law firms, however, could not afford a similar decoupling. Starting from this place of questionable legitimacy meant that firms felt the need to overcompensate for their environment by aggressively signaling their global standing and ideology.

However, Indian law firms also had to contend with the fact that they had relatively diluted knowledge about the workings of global firms. And in cases where the mimicking was based on assumptions rather than knowledge or experience of the original type e. Law firms and consulting firms alike offered perspectives on the muddling of the global as interpreted by the local. As I highlight in the last two chapters, first was the novelty of the field and practice area. But the Indian corporate law firm had the further advantage that, in addition to being a new subfield, regulatory restrictions also required that it be domestically owned and managed. This placed on them an additional onus to respond to standards of international meritocracy.

While large corporate law firms did some work for domestic clients, their primary focus was servicing international clients. In the case of IT firms, the vastness of the field also means that barriers to entry are relatively lower and more variant. Thus, while institutionally similar to IT in terms of being a product of neoliberalism, consulting firms are sites of fringe globalization.

Similarly, older professions with set institutional scripts differ from professional spaces that have emerged as a response to neoliberal demands in the marketplace. While each relies on globalization and global impetus to some degree, the ways in which they translate this into internal accounts of stratification are distinct. But the findings have legs beyond India. This often also meant that they had certain class advantages, including the cultural freedom to marry partners of their choice and make their own decisions about starting or not starting families.

This is not to say their class frame does not advantage them; rather, their class frame alone has not been enough to advantage them in the past, or even now, in other contexts. Further still, the extensions for temporality could have other limitations and other perspectives on how we code this equality within firms. As one male partner offered, one can have a kind partnership that is visibly equal but still gendered. As neo-institutionalism framework reminds us that organizations adopt mainstream and vetted practices and structures for both efficiency and legitimacy, and that the ritualistic performance of scripts allows organizations to preserve the meaning making myths in the face of inconsistent cultural demands and technical capacities Meyer et al.

And in cases where the mimicking was based on assumptions rather than knowledge of the original type e. Rather, they are created and maintained by individual actors across a range of interactions. Sometimes this was reassurance from a partner that the firm was internationally competitive. It is this unlikely valorization of gender that is the crux of this chapter. At the same time, by unpacking the variations in external audiences across firms i. Facings fit into their environment by assessing social situations and adapting their actions.

Fix it. How do I keep personal style and keep up with the situation? In fact, it could be the only tool they have. Facings hell I am. At the same time, minorities must constantly contend with implicit bias Johnson et al. This is one in which you need to be loud—so [you] can put down [insult] someone in court. You need to be rude. So he was talking to me like this [turning her face to the side]. And clients are generally who make or break you—so it is harder for them to take it from a girl. If a client likes you, you are golden. The guys are nice, you can goof off with them. That would be my last resort. Yet in both cases, disadvantageous gendered assumptions cemented professional identities. Or you wear a salwar khameez.

Mine is a MNC, so we have a fairly global culture. And our firm interacts [with clients] from an age or era, which is long gone. Of course, it might seem simplistic to make a distinction between actors based simply on their perceived response to physical attire. She is diligent and hardworking. Guys are careless and overconfident. They care. But the more subtle extension is the double find that her account resurfaces. His response: Well, [we] have a lot of new companies, medium companies. And this is where the difference is—in the sense that.

That elite firms enjoyed this kind of institutional privilege was not surprising, but its creation of nonchalance regarding gender in the elite law firm case was novel. I see no difference as long as I get what I want for my product. Facings Well, quality within the profession is of highest concern. I care about someone [who] has met the standards for quality, is responsive and has that personal touch. This assumption of merit and quality applied more to the firm than to the individual professional. Facings clients. It is this renewed valorization of essentialist tropes that demands our attention. It reveals that while new surroundings can be useful in allowing new meanings about gender and work to emerge, novelty alone is not enough.

Other kinds of professional work e. Yet, it is hard to feel too optimistic about the implications of such a finding. Additionally, in presenting these incidental circumstances that created this unusual perception of the ideal worker, this research diversifies how we theorize returns to essentialized workplace expectations in a few ways. As I set up in chapter 2, some of this has to do with our expectations of what an ideal worker must stand for, i.

In treating it instead as a structural variable, this research extends the ways in which we can deploy its analytical purchase. So that makes it hard to aspire to even if it feels pretty egalitarian. So he gets home at But I have guilt. I have a lot of guilt. And my bed is made. Not even mom. Damn you, grandma. And it works. And he does not care. My mom worked, always. So she was always away from home for as long as I can remember, to she was out. My dad was out similar hours. So I grew up thinking that.

Then in terms. You rely on them completely. Number three. And that helps a lot. All of that. So I was lucky my husband did a lot of all of that, whenever I was busy or had to be at a client meeting. You stay late when you have to. So when you say it, you do not have to explain it. And I think that has an effect. Your parents are old, they require a certain level of support. So, at the end of the week, when you take stock, you realize you do not know where the time has gone. I do not think Indian men feel it quite as much. Fa milies and not argue. I am not like that. In fact, it was far from it. At least the way they interviewed me, I do not think it was something they could gauge.

She says this with emphasis, using air quotes. I travel one hour in the opposite direction to work. The difference in experience was, of course, exacerbated by the firms they actually worked for. But you need to actually be around to build that sort of credibility. Yet, it was not just the work environments that made it easier for Aruna than it did for Kaveri. But when you are not from Bombay, it is hard to find someone who is same background or at least someone who understands your mindset. But that aside, I have fantastic support.

I have no complaints. And she cooks amazing food. But they all remain framed within the temporal contingencies of specific cultural moments. Still, this chapter offers new extensions to existing debates. At what stages, and in what contexts? While they have synergies and merge at cedere, the choice of accident over incident is in the direction of its tendency. It is where we fall facing, what our fall can effect, that holds promise for the trip, so to speak. A fall could be a result of a trip up, perhaps of old complacency.

But it is in the repair that follows that its eventual promise garners traction. As a theory, it allows for us to extend what this could mean for equality more generally. Firms could demonstrate their embrace of the global through hypersignaling their commitment to meritocracy. But none of this commitment could have had substantial or sustainable standing if it was not reinforced by client preferences. The fact that ostensibly similar firms could not offer the same parity, even with agentic intention, reveals the crucial role of the accidental in creating this kind of gender parity in elite Indian law firms. And it is this butterfly effect1 of accidental, happenstance feminism that this book tries to unpack.

And is this success sustainable, and if so, in what ways? In this concluding chapter, I consider the sustainability of this advantage. What can we expect this accident to produce? Two broad and somewhat contrary patterns influence the trajectory of global wealth segregation. On the one hand, inherited, ascribed advantages have been central to the reproduction of hierarchy—so most elites are predetermined. For example, in , India ranked third globally in its number of billionaires, second only to the United States and China. And in the Indian case, scholars have offered new ways of thinking about access to elite networks historically predetermined by logics of caste and kinship Jodhka and Newman Wh at Do W e Do w ith the Acciden ta l?

It is not like being a partner in [Domestic Law Firm]. But newness and temporality also made this advantage less sustainable. In the case of elite law firms, their small scale makes the advantages they confer especially precarious to the changes wrought by growth over time. Of course, this corporate elite Papa and Wilkins has been central to the expansion and globalization of the industry and holds much of the market share for corporate transactional work, but they are still only a small part of a larger, deeply gendered profession.

Ironically, their very novelty may pose a detriment to their structural advantages. Since both the elite firms and the law schools that supply them have a homogenous population, they allow for this commitment to merit not gender! This book uses the Indian professionals case as one way of teasing out the ways in which inequalities get reproduced, repurposed, and replaced in new global sites. More broadly, this research reminds us that wins for gender equality in workspaces can, as in other cases Phillips , happen unintentionally and may be couched in other, more broadly conceived and supported movements. The success of the Indian law firm case has not been as much about a feminist movement as it has been about legitimacy and economic opportunity.

As I note at the start of the book, this inclusion does not feel organic and, indeed, being able to code unintentional actors as movement propagators has its own costs. It seems so pessimistic. And it offers a note of caution against assuming that this outcome deserves to be claimed by the actors who might wish to claim it as intentional. Yet, historically, accidents have played roles in setting up feminist frameworks, even if the focus of their recall has not been just on the lack of intention. It certainly is not a call to embark on new searches for accidents.

The more salient question, rather, is what this discovery offers. Instead, if we think of the accident as deserving of repair or cure, I hope the usefulness of this framing offers more agentic tools. Once you unearth a positive accident, what do you do with it? How do you contain and crystallize the main sources of its advantages? The time to make this shift from accident to intention is certainly now for the firms I study. But I offer this contrast to highlight beyond the importance of optics and the frustration of ideological decoupling more generally.

If what we see is a function of how and where we look, perhaps the real call is to look and see differently. Over the course of the first field visit, I met with seven of the fifteen partners I contacted. All data on elite private practice are collected by author and reflect entry and partnership rates at two of the largest transactional law firms in the sample at the end of data collection. This offers a conservative comparison since retention and partnership in large law firms is typically much lower than in smaller law firm practice. Methods usually used for effect. More generally, beyond the immediate case of gender and professional firms, it forced me to interrogate the ways in which method and theory intersected, to consider possibilities that would allow for movement past exceptionalism.

I am only highlighting the ways in which my research was strengthened by years of having to pitch it to an audience that did not automatically find synergies with it. I offer, instead, that in retrospect, this accident of falling outside frameworks has invigorated a larger hope that we can move beyond scholarship and method while also speaking to them. As I note above, being socialized in a specific kind of department, at a specific moment in time, was central to the research design.

Still, alongside this excitement to engage, I worried about usefulness and relevance of this research. Over the course of becoming the scholar that could produce this work, I have had to contend with the difficult and frustrating contradictions of relevance dictated by this positionality. Agoraphobia, then, even when exhausting, can be an effective method over time. The more time one spends away from data collection, the more layers the findings can offer, allowing insight to the sometimes speculative more poetic resonance!

Still, for a book that tentatively valorizes accident, the turn to intentional appreciation offers apt closure. Nothing in this book would have been written if David had not urged me to apply and come to Harvard Law School fifteen years ago. It felt crazy at the time, but in retrospect, it was the soundest pathway to transform myself from a student to a scholar. My time at NYUAD was when I truly started making sense of my data, and it was where I unpacked the intersectional positionality that would eventually weave together its implications. My gratitude for the very specific ways in which colleagues and conversations at NYUAD influenced my thinking is rife in the references and notes within this book.

Similarly, several smaller conferences have offered me new communities for dialogue and discussion. Of course, the steps that would build this book would well precede my own comfort about its value. Many friends offered necessary reminders over the years that sociology is often just empirically vetted common sense. For this trusting space they offered, and for their engagement without judgment on many of my meh drafts, my gratitude knows no bounds.

These kinds of deep reads take time, and the book is deeply enriched by their interventions. Needless to say, perhaps: despite the riches of these exchanges and influences that this book greatly benefits from, any and all slips and errors remain, assuredly, mine alone. Book writing is solitary, but real and nourishing solitude is contingent on the knowledge of community. But it is also true that near and far are muddled categories. Choochoo, Thatha, and Thathi have passed, in a sense, but I never feel far from their loving energy. That Alex, Agni, Mani, and Baali will join in memory making when the world returns to some sort of normal, is already cause for celebration. I love you and I am so proud to be yours.

Mohanty et al. The use of quotation marks is meant to suggest a continuous questioning of the designation. Even when I do not use quotation marks, I mean to use the term critically. Chapter 6 makes this connection between accidental and intentional more deliberate. During the writing of much of this book, New York University Abu Dhabi offered community in allowing me to create a critical gender workshop that I hosted over three years — Sameer Ashar recently reminded me that even using this term without explanation of what it is meant to mean could be a kind of postured privilege. The bane of my myriad secular Savarna privileges that culturally and socially shape and lubricate my experiences in the world, even when removed from India.

For empirical illustrations, see, e. A book of collected and conversational reflections from this endeavor is forthcoming Ballakrishnen and Dezalay Engagement with students in this class, especially around limits of feminism Jamison , agoraphobia Carson , defection Aziz , and the possibilities of alternate feminist futures Yasmeen, Al, Maggie, Lya offered central reflections that bled into this book. In addition to Mohanty et al. Sociologists have theorized at length about social movements and their relationship to identity work and relationships between networks e. For a review of the larger embedded hierarchies critically, see Geetha ; Kannabiran ; Bansode ; and Kannabiran and Ballakrishnen See note 13 above re: similar generational divides in India.

For new theorizing about cross national feminist experiences in elite work, look out for research by Jaleh Taheri at Lund University. Still, the distinction that emerges from the narratives in this book, as I lay out in this preface, is the lack of claiming.

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