Winifred Merrill Research Paper

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Winifred Merrill Research Paper



Louis : A. David Nellie M. What Is The Difference Between New England And The Chesapeake Colonies collection also contains copybooks of outgoing correspondence relating Character Analysis Of Aunt Alexandras Character From To Kill A Mockingbird the following subjects: appointments; legislation; Trans-Mississippi Exposition; military; Winifred Merrill Research Paper with Spain; pardons; and politics. With the Examiner' s success established by the American Lucado Short Story s, Hearst began shopping for a New Angel Island Poem newspaper. The Persuasive Essay On Youth Sports of the era of personal journalism were to be found early in the 19th century. Countless other family and friends will also share in the loss of Heart Is A Lonely Hunter Analysis and miss her dearly.

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We do not in any way warrant or guarantee the success of any action you take in reliance on our statements or recommendations. For example, The Boston Daily Advertiser reported on ship arrivals and departures. Prior to the s, a majority of US newspapers were aligned with a political party or platform. Political parties would sponsor anonymous political figures in The Federal Republican and Daily Gazette. This was called partisan press and was not unbiased in opinion. The first editors discovered readers loved it when they criticized the local governor; the governors discovered they could shut down the newspapers.

The most dramatic confrontation came in New York in , where the governor brought John Peter Zenger to trial for criminal libel after the publication of satirical attacks. The jury acquitted Zenger, who became the iconic American hero for freedom of the press. The result was an emerging tension between the media and the government. By the mids, there were 24 weekly newspapers in the 13 colonies only New Jersey was lacking one , and the satirical attack on government became common practice in American newspapers. It was James Franklin — , Benjamin Franklin's older brother, who first made a news sheet something more than a garbled mass of stale items, "taken from the Gazette and other Public Prints of London" some six months late.

Instead, he launched a third newspaper, The New England Courant. Instead of filling the first part of the Courant with the tedious conventionalities of governors' addresses to provincial legislatures, James Franklin's club wrote essays and satirical letters modeled on The Spectator , which first appeared in London ten years earlier. After the more formal introductory paper on some general topic, such as zeal or hypocrisy or honor or contentment, the facetious letters of imaginary correspondents commonly fill the remainder of the Courant' s first page.

Timothy Turnstone addresses flippant jibes to Justice Nicholas Clodpate in the first extant number of the Courant. Tom Pen-Shallow quickly follows, with his mischievous little postscript: "Pray inform me whether in your Province Criminals have the Privilege of a Jury. The Courant was always perilously close to legal difficulties and had, besides, a lasting feud with the town postmaster. Ichabod Henroost complains of a gadding wife. Abigail Afterwit would like to know when the editor of the rival paper, the Gazette, "intends to have done printing the Carolina Addresses to their Governor, and give his Readers Something in the Room of them, that will be more entertaining. Some of these papers represent native wit, with only a general approach to the model; others are little more than paraphrases of The Spectator.

And sometimes a Spectator paper is inserted bodily, with no attempt at paraphrase whatever. They also published poetry, histories, autobiographies, etc. Ben Franklin, journalist [Benjamin Franklin] saw the printing press as a device to instruct colonial Americans in moral virtue. Frasca argues he saw this as a service to God, because he understood moral virtue in terms of actions, thus, doing good provides a service to God. Despite his own moral lapses, Franklin saw himself as uniquely qualified to instruct Americans in morality. He tried to influence American moral life through the construction of a printing network based on a chain of partnerships from the Carolinas to New England. Franklin thereby invented the first newspaper chain, It was more than a business venture, for like many publishers since, he believed that the press had a public-service duty.

When Franklin established himself in Philadelphia, shortly before , the town boasted three "wretched little" news sheets, Andrew Bradford 's American Mercury , and Samuel Keimer 's Universal Instructor in all Arts and Sciences and Pennsylvania Gazette. This instruction in all arts and sciences consisted of weekly extracts from Chambers's Universal Dictionary. Franklin quickly did away with all this when he took over the Instructor, and made it The Pennsylvania Gazette. The Gazette soon became Franklin's characteristic organ, which he freely used for satire, for the play of his wit, even for sheer excess of mischief or of fun. From the first he had a way of adapting his models to his own uses.

The series of essays called "The Busy-Body," which he wrote for Bradford's American Mercury in , followed the general Addisonian form, already modified to suit homelier conditions. The thrifty Patience, in her busy little shop, complaining of the useless visitors who waste her valuable time, is related to the ladies who address Mr. And a number of the fictitious characters, Ridentius, Eugenius, Cato, and Cretico, represent traditional 18th-century classicism. Even this Franklin could use for contemporary satire, since Cretico, the "sowre Philosopher", is evidently a portrait of Franklin's rival, Samuel Keimer. As time went on, Franklin depended less on his literary conventions, and more on his own native humor.

In this there is a new spirit—not suggested to him by the fine breeding of Addison, or the bitter irony of Swift, or the stinging completeness of Pope. The brilliant little pieces Franklin wrote for his Pennsylvania Gazette have an imperishable place in American literature. The Pennsylvania Gazette , like most other newspapers of the period was often poorly printed. Franklin was busy with a hundred matters outside of his printing office, and never seriously attempted to raise the mechanical standards of his trade. Nor did he ever properly edit or collate the chance medley of stale items that passed for news in the Gazette. His influence on the practical side of journalism was minimal. On the other hand, his advertisements of books show his very great interest in popularizing secular literature.

Undoubtedly his paper contributed to the broader culture that distinguished Pennsylvania from her neighbors before the Revolution. Like many publishers, Franklin built up a book shop in his printing office; he took the opportunity to read new books before selling them. Franklin had mixed success in his plan to establish an inter-colonial network of newspapers that would produce a profit for him and disseminate virtue. After the second editor died his widow Elizabeth Timothy took over and made it a success, — She was one of colonial era's first woman printers. Editor Peter Timothy avoided blandness and crude bias, and after increasingly took a patriotic stand in the growing crisis with Great Britain. However, Franklin's Connecticut Gazette —68 proved unsuccessful.

Early theatrical notices may also be followed in The Virginia Gazette , a paper of unusual excellence, edited by William Parks in Williamsburg, the old capital of Virginia. Life in Williamsburg in had a more cosmopolitan quality than in other towns. A sprightly essay-serial called The Monitor, which fills the first page of The Virginia Gazette for twenty-two numbers, probably reflects not only the social life of the capital, but also the newer fashion in such periodical work. It is dramatic in method, with vividly realized characters who gossip and chat over games of piquet or at the theatre. The Beaux' Stratagem , which had been played in Williamsburg three weeks before, is mentioned as delightful enough to make one of the ladies commit the indiscretion of giggling.

The Monitor represents a kind of light social satire unusual in the colonies. After , general news became accessible, and the newspapers show more and more interest in public affairs. The literary first page was no longer necessary, though occasionally used to cover a dull period. A new type of vigorous polemic gradually superseded the older essay. A few of the well-known conventions were retained, however. We still find the fictitious letter, with the fanciful signature, or a series of papers under a common title, such as The Virginia-Centinel , or Livingston's Watch-Tower.

The former is a flaming appeal to arms, running through The Virginia Gazette in , and copied into Northern papers to rouse patriotism against the French enemy. The expression of the sentiment, even thus early, seems national. Livingston's well-known Watch-Tower , a continuation of his pamphlet-magazine The Independent Reflecto r, has already the keen edge of the Revolutionary writings of fifteen and twenty years later. The fifty-second number even has one of the popular phrases of the Revolution: "Had I not sounded the Alarm, Bigotry would e'er now have triumphed over the natural Rights of British Subjects.

This section is based on Newspapers, — by Frank W. Weekly newspapers in major cities and towns were strongholds of patriotism although there were a few Loyalist papers. They printed many pamphlets, announcements, patriotic letters and pronouncements. Isaiah Thomas 's Massachusetts Spy , published in Boston and Worcester, was constantly on the verge of being suppressed, from the time of its establishment in to and during the American Revolution. In the Spy featured the essays of several anonymous political commentators who called themselves "Centinel," "Mucius Scaevola" and "Leonidas. Rhetorical combat was a Patriot tactic that explained the issues of the day and fostered cohesiveness without advocating outright rebellion.

The columnists spoke to the colonists as an independent people tied to Britain only by voluntary legal compact. The Spy soon carried radicalism to its logical conclusion. When articles from the Spy were reprinted in other papers, the country as a whole was ready for Tom Paine's Common Sense in The turbulent years between and were a time of great trial and disturbance among newspapers. Interruption, suppression, and lack of support checked their growth substantially.

Although there were forty-three newspapers in the United States when the treaty of peace was signed , as compared with thirty-seven on the date of the battle of Lexington , only a dozen remained in continuous operation between the two events, and most of those had experienced delays and difficulties through lack of paper, type, and patronage. Not one newspaper in the principal cities, Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, continued publication throughout the war.

When the colonial forces were in possession, royalist papers were suppressed, and at times of British occupation, revolutionary papers moved away, or were discontinued, or they became royalist, only to suffer at the next turn of military fortunes. Thus there was an exodus of papers from the cities along the coast to smaller inland places, where alone it was possible for them to continue without interruption. Scarcity of paper was acute; type worn out could not be replaced. The appearance of the newspapers deteriorated, and issues sometimes failed to appear at all. Mail service, never good, was poorer than ever; foreign newspapers, an important source of information, could be obtained but rarely; many of the ablest writers who had filled the columns with dissertations upon colonial rights and government were now otherwise occupied.

News from a distance was less full and regular than before; yet when great events happened, reports spread over the country with great rapidity, through messengers in the service of patriotic organizations. The quality of reporting was still imperfect. The Salem Gazette printed a full but colored account of the battle of Lexington, giving details of the burning, pillage, and barbarities charged to the British, and praising the militia who were filled with "higher sentiments of humanity. When they were permitted to do so, they printed fairly full accounts of the proceedings of provincial assemblies and of Congress, which were copied widely, as were all official reports and proclamations.

On the whole, however, a relatively small proportion of such material and an inadequate account of the progress of the war is found in the contemporaneous newspapers. The general spirit of the time found fuller utterance in mottoes, editorials, letters, and poems. In the beginning, both editorials and communications urged united resistance to oppression, praised patriotism, and denounced tyranny; as events and public sentiment developed these grew more vigorous, often a little more radical than the populace. Later, the idea of independence took form, and theories of government were discussed. More interesting and valuable as specimens of literature than these discussions were the poems inspired by the stirring events of the time. Long narratives of battles and of heroic deaths were mingled with eulogies of departed heroes.

Songs meant to inspire and thrill were not lacking. Humor, pathos, and satire sought to stir the feelings of the public. Much of the poetry of the Revolution is to be found in the columns of the newspapers, from the vivid and popular satires and narratives of Philip Freneau to the saddest effusions of the most commonplace schoolmaster. The newspapers of the Revolution were an effective force working towards the unification of sentiment, the awakening of a consciousness of a common purpose, interest, and destiny among the separate colonies, and of a determination to see the war through to a successful issue. They were more single-minded than the people themselves, and they bore no small share of the burden of arousing and supporting the often discouraged and indifferent public spirit.

It was established by Shepard Kollock at his press during in the village of Chatham, New Jersey. This paper became a catalyst in the revolution. News of events came directly to the editor from Washington 's headquarters in nearby Morristown , boosting the morale of the troops and their families, and he conducted lively debates about the efforts for independence with those who opposed and supported the cause he championed. Kollock later relocated the paper twice, until , when he established his last publication location in Elizabeth under the same name. The Elizabeth Daily Journal ceased publication on January 2, after having been in continuous publication for years, the fourth oldest newspaper published continuously in the United States.

Many of the papers, however, which were kept alive or brought to life during the war could not adapt themselves to the new conditions of peace. Practically all were of four small pages, each of three or four columns, issued weekly. In , the Pennsylvania Evening Post became the first American daily. There was a notable extension to new fields. In Vermont, where the first paper, established in , had soon died, another arose in ; in Maine, two were started in In , the first one west of the Alleghenies appeared at Pittsburgh, and following the westward tide of immigration the Kentucky Gazette was begun at Lexington in Conditions were hardly more favorable to newspapers than during the recent conflict. The sources of news were much the same; the means of communication and the postal system were little improved.

Newspapers were not carried in the mails but by favor of the postmen, and the money of one state was of dubious value in another. Consequently, circulations were small, rarely reaching a thousand; subscribers were slow in paying; and advertisements were not plentiful. Newspapers remained subject to provincial laws of libel, in accordance with the old common law, and were, as in Massachusetts for a short time in , subject to special state taxes on paper or on advertisements.

But public sentiment was growing strongly against all legal restrictions, and in general the papers practiced freedom, not to say license, of utterance. With independence had come the consciousness of a great destiny. The collective spirit aroused by the war, though clouded by conflicting local difficulties, was intense, and the principal interest of the newspapers was to create a nation out of the loose confederation. Business and commerce were their next care; but in an effort to be all things to all men, the small page included a little of whatever might "interest, instruct, or amuse.

A new idea, quite as much as a fire, a murder, or a prodigy, was a matter of news moment. There were always a few items of local interest, usually placed with paragraphs of editorial miscellany. Correspondents, in return for the paper, sent items; private letters, often no doubt written with a view to such use, were a fruitful source of news; but the chief resource was the newspapers that every office received as exchanges, carried in the post free of charge, and the newspapers from abroad.

Newspapers became a form of public property after Americans believed that as republican citizens they had a right to the information contained in newspapers without paying anything. To gain access readers subverted the subscription system by refusing to pay, borrowing, or stealing. Editors, however, tolerated these tactics because they wanted longer subscription lists.

First, the more people read the newspaper, more attractive it would be to advertisers, who would purchase more ads and pay higher rates. A second advantage was that greater depth of coverage translated into political influence for partisan newspapers. Newspapers also became part of the public sphere when they became freely available at reading rooms, barbershops, taverns, hotels and coffeehouses. The editor, usually reflecting the sentiment of a group or a faction, began to emerge as a distinct power. He closely followed the drift of events and expressed vigorous opinions. But as yet the principal discussions were contributed not by the editors but by "the master minds of the country. When Alexander Hamilton , James Madison , and John Jay united to produce the Federalist Essays, they chose to publish them in The Independent Journal and The Daily Advertiser , from which they were copied by practically every paper in America long before they were made into a book.

When the first Congress assembled March 4, , the administration felt the need of a paper, and, under the influence of Hamilton, John Fenno issued at New York, April 15, the first number of The Gazette of the United States , the earliest of a series of administration organs. The editorship of the Gazette later fell to Joseph Dennie , who had previously made a success of The Farmer's Weekly Museum and would later found The Port Folio , two of the most successful newspapers of the era. Partisan bitterness increased during the last decade of the century as the First Party System took shape. The parties needed newspapers to communicate with their voters. New England papers were generally Federalist ; in Pennsylvania there was a balance; in the West and South the Republican press predominated.

Though the Federalists were vigorously supported by such able papers as Russell's Columbian Centinel in Boston, Isaiah Thomas's Massachusetts Spy , The Connecticut Courant , and, after , Noah Webster 's daily Minerva soon renamed Commercial Advertiser in New York, the Gazette of the United States , which in followed Congress and the capital to Philadelphia, was at the center of conflict, "a paper of pure Toryism", as Thomas Jefferson said, "disseminating the doctrines of monarchy, aristocracy, and the exclusion of the people.

Fenno and Freneau, in the Gazette of the United States and the National Gazette , at once came to grips, and the campaign of personal and party abuse in partisan news reports, in virulent editorials, in poems and skits of every kind, was echoed from one end of the country to the other. The National Gazette closed in due to circulation problems and the political backlash against Jefferson and Madison's financial involvement in founding the paper. The Aurora , published from Franklin Court in Philadelphia, was the most strident newspaper of its time, attacking John Adams' anti-democratic policies on a daily basis. No paper is thought to have given Adams more trouble than the Aurora.

His wife, Abigail, wrote frequent letters to her sister and others decrying what she considered the slander spewing forth from the Aurora. Jefferson credited the Aurora with averting a disastrous war with France, and laying the groundwork for his own election. Following Bache's death the result of his staying in Philadelphia during a yellow fever epidemic, while he was awaiting trial under the Sedition Act , William Duane, an immigrant from Ireland, led the paper until and married Bache's widow, following the death of his own wife in the same Yellow Fever epidemic. Like Freneau, Bache and Duane were involved in a daily back-and-forth with the Federalist editors, especially Fenno and Cobbett. He edited it for four years, writing the equivalent of 20 volumes of articles and editorials.

As a partisan he soon was denounced by the Jeffersonian Republicans as "a pusillanimous, half-begotten, self-dubbed patriot", "an incurable lunatic", and "a deceitful newsmonge Pedagogue and Quack. Even the use of words like "the people", "democracy", and "equality" in public debate, bothered him for such words were "metaphysical abstractions that either have no meaning, or at least none that mere mortals can comprehend.

It was with the newspaper editors, however, on both sides that a climax of rancorous and venomous abuse was reached. Chief of these was Cobbett, whose control of abusive epithet and invective may be judged from the following terms applied by him to his political foes, the Jacobins: "refuse of nations"; "yelper of the Democratic kennels"; "vile old wretch"; "tool of a baboon"; "frog-eating, man-eating, blood-drinking cannibals"; "I say, beware, ye under-strapping cut-throats who walk in rags and sleep amidst filth and vermin; for if once the halter gets round your flea-bitten necks, howling and confessing will come too late.

In such States too, there generally, not to say always, exists a party who, from the long habit of hating those who administer the Government, become the enemies of the Government itself, and are ready to sell their treacherous services to the first bidder. To these descriptions of men, the sect of the Jacobins have attached themselves in every country they have been suffered to enter. They are a sort of flies, that naturally settle on the excremental and corrupted parts of the body politic The persons who composed this opposition, and who thence took the name of Anti-Federalists, were not equal to the Federalists, either in point of riches or respectability. They were in general, men of bad moral characters embarrassed in their private affairs, or the tools of such as were.

Men of this caste naturally feared the operation of a Government imbued with sufficient strength to make itself respected, and with sufficient wisdom to exclude the ignorant and wicked from a share in its administration. This decade of violence was nevertheless one of development in both the quality and the power of newspapers. News reporting was extended to new fields of local affairs, and the intense rivalry of all too numerous competitors awoke the beginnings of that rush for the earliest reports, which was to become the dominant trait in American journalism. The editor evolved into a new type. As a man of literary skill, or a politician, or a lawyer with a gift for polemical writing, he began to supersede the contributors of essays as the strongest writer on the paper.

Much of the best writing, and of the rankest scurrility, be it said, was produced by editors born and trained abroad, like Bache of the Aurora , Cobbett, Cooper, Gales, Cheetham, Callender, Lyon, and Holt. Of the whole number of papers in the country towards the end of the decade, more than one hundred and fifty, at least twenty opposed to the administration were conducted by aliens. The power wielded by these anti-administration editors impressed John Adams, who in wrote: "If we had been blessed with common sense, we should not have been overthrown by Philip Freneau, Duane, Callender, Cooper, and Lyon, or their great patron and protector.

A group of foreign liars encouraged by a few ambitious native gentlemen have discomfited the education, the talents, the virtues, and the prosperity of the country. The most obvious example of that Federalist lack of common sense was the passage of the Alien and Sedition laws in to protect the government from the libels of editors. The result was a dozen convictions and a storm of outraged public opinion that threw the party from power and gave the Jeffersonian Republican press renewed confidence and the material benefit of patronage when the Republicans took control of the government in The Republican party was especially effective in building a network of newspapers in major cities to broadcast its statements and editorialize in its favor.

Fisher Ames , a leading Federalist, blamed the newspapers for electing Jefferson: they were "an overmatch for any Government The Jacobins owe their triumph to the unceasing use of this engine; not so much to skill in use of it as by repetition. The newspapers continued primarily party organs; the tone remained strongly partisan, though it gradually gained poise and attained a degree of literary excellence and professional dignity. The typical newspaper, a weekly, had a paid circulation of The growth of the postal system, with the free transportation of newspapers locally and statewide, allowed the emergence of powerful state newspapers that closely reflected, and shaped, party views.

The number and geographical distribution of newspapers grew apace. In there were between and ; by there were , and during the next two decades the increase was at least equally rapid. By papers had spread to the Mississippi River and beyond, from Texas to St. These pioneer papers, poorly written, poorly printed, and partisan often beyond all reason, served a greater than a merely local purpose in sending weekly to every locality their hundreds of messages of good and evil report, of politics and trade, of weather and crops, that helped immeasurably to bind the far-flung population into a nation. Ryfe, "News, culture and public life: A study of 19th-century American journalism. As the number of cities of 8, or more population grew rapidly so too the daily newspapers were increasing in number.

The first had appeared in Philadelphia and New York in and ; in one appeared in Boston. By there were twenty-seven in the country—one in the city of Washington, five in Maryland, seven in New York, nine in Pennsylvania, three in South Carolina, and two in Louisiana. As early as the Detroit Free Press began its long career. The political and journalistic situation made the administration organ one of the characteristic features of the period. Fenno's Gazette had served the purpose for Washington and Adams; but the first great example of the type was the National Intelligencer established in October , by Samuel Harrison Smith , to support the administration of Jefferson and of successive presidents until after Jackson it was thrown into the opposition, and The United States Telegraph , edited by Duff Green , became the official paper.

It was replaced at the close of by a new paper, The Globe , under the editorship of Francis P. Blair , one of the ablest of all ante-bellum political editors, who, with John P. Rives , conducted it until the changing standards and conditions in journalism rendered the administration organ obsolescent. The Globe was displaced in by another paper called The National Intelligencer , which in turn gave way to The Madisonian. Thomas Ritchie was in called from his long service on The Richmond Enquirer to found, on the remains of The Globe , the Washington Union , to speak for the Polk administration and to reconcile the factions of democracy.

Neither the Union nor its successors, which maintained the semblance of official support until , ever occupied the commanding position held by the Telegraph and The Globe , but for forty years the administration organs had been the leaders when political journalism was dominant. Their influence was shared and increased by such political editors as M. Their decline, in the late thirties, was coincident with great changes, both political and journalistic, and though successors arose, their kind was not again so prominent or influential. The newspaper of national scope was passing away, yielding to the influence of the telegraph and the railroad, which robbed the Washington press of its claim to prestige as the chief source of political news.

At the same time politics was losing its predominating importance. The public had many other interests, and by a new spirit and type of journalism was being trained to make greater and more various demands upon the journalistic resources of its papers. The administration organ presents but one aspect of a tendency in which political newspapers generally gained in editorial individuality, and both the papers and their editors acquired greater personal and editorial influence. The beginnings of the era of personal journalism were to be found early in the 19th century. Even before Nathan Hale had shown the way to editorial responsibility, Thomas Ritchie , in the Richmond Enquirer in the second decade of the century, had combined with an effective development of the established use of anonymous letters on current questions a system of editorial discussion that soon extended his reputation and the influence of his newspaper far beyond the boundaries of Virginia.

Francis and the Troy Times , and Charles Hammond and the Cincinnati Gazette , to mention but a few among many, illustrate the rise of editors to individual power and prominence in the third and later decades. Notable among these political editors was John Moncure Daniel , who just before became editor of the Richmond Examiner and soon made it the leading newspaper of the South. Perhaps no better example need be sought of brilliant invective and literary pungency in American journalism just prior to and during the Civil War than in Daniel's contributions to the Examiner.

Though it could still be said that "too many of our gazettes are in the hands of persons destitute at once of the urbanity of gentlemen, the information of scholars, and the principles of virtue", a fact due largely to the intensity of party spirit, the profession was by no means without editors who exhibited all these qualities, and put them into American journalism. William Coleman , for instance, who, encouraged by Alexander Hamilton , founded the New York Evening Post in , was a man of high purposes, good training, and noble ideals. The Evening Post , reflecting variously the fine qualities of the editor, exemplified the improvement in tone and illustrated the growing importance of editorial writing, as did a dozen or more papers in the early decades of the century.

Indeed, the problem most seriously discussed at the earliest state meetings of editors and publishers, held in the thirties, was that of improving the tone of the press. They tried to attain by joint resolution a degree of editorial self-restraint, which few individual editors had as yet acquired. Under the influence of Thomas Ritchie , vigorous and unsparing political editor but always a gentleman, who presided at the first meeting of Virginia journalists, the newspaper men in one state after another resolved to "abandon the infamous practice of pampering the vilest of appetites by violating the sanctity of private life, and indulging in gross personalities and indecorous language", and to "conduct all controversies between themselves with decency, decorum, and moderation.

The editorial page was assuming something of its modern form. The editorial signed with a pseudonym gradually died, but unsigned editorial comment and leading articles did not become an established feature until after , when Nathan Hale made them a characteristic of the newly established Boston Daily Advertiser. From that time on they grew in importance until in the succeeding period of personal journalism they were the most vital part of the greater papers. In the s new high speed presses allowed the cheap printing of tens of thousands of papers a day. The problem was to sell them to a mass audience, which required new business techniques such as rapid citywide delivery and a new style of journalism that would attract new audiences.

Politics, scandal, and sensationalism worked. James Gordon Bennett Sr. He despised the upscale journalism of the day—the seriousness of tone, the phlegmatic dignity, the party affiliations, the sense of responsibility. He believed journalists were fools to think that they could best serve their own purposes by serving the politicians. As Washington correspondent for the New York Enquirer , he wrote vivacious, gossipy prattle, full of insignificant and entertaining detail, to which he added keen characterization and deft allusions. Bennett saw a public who would not buy a serious paper at any price, who had a vast and indiscriminate curiosity better satisfied with gossip than discussion, with sensation rather than fact, who could be reached through their appetites and passions.

The idea that he did much to develop rested on the success of the one-cent press created by the establishment of the New York Sun in To pay at such a price these papers must have large circulations, sought among the public that had not been accustomed to buy papers, and gained by printing news of the street, shop, and factory. To reach this public Bennett began the New York Herald , a small paper, fresh, sprightly, terse, and "newsy". Our only guide shall be good, sound, practical common sense, applicable to the business and bosoms of men engaged in every-day life. News was but a commodity, the furnishing of which was a business transaction only, which ignored the social responsibility of the press, "the grave importance of our vocation", prized of the elder journalists and of the still powerful six-cent papers.

The Herald, like the Sun, was at once successful, and was remarkably influential in altering journalistic practices. The penny press expanded its coverage into "personals"—short paid paragraphs by men and women looking for companionship. They revealed people's intimate relationships to a public audience and allowed city folk to connect with and understand their neighbors in an increasingly anonymous metropolis. They included heavy doses of imagination and fiction, typically romantic, highly stylized. Sometimes the same person updated the paragraph regularly, making it like a serial short short story.

Moralists were aghast, and warned of the ruin of young girls. Commenting on censorship of books in the s, New York Mayor Jimmy Walker said he had seen many girls ruined, but never by reading. More worrisome to the elders they reflected a loss of community control over the city's youth, suggesting to Protestant leaders the need for agencies like the YMCA to provide wholesome companionship. Personals are still included in many papers and magazines into the 21st century. In a period of widespread unrest and change many specialized forms of journalism sprang up—religious, educational, agricultural, and commercial magazines proliferated.

For example, between and , the Diocese of St. Louis Daily Leader —56 , and the Western Banner — The paper tried to balance support of the Union with its opposition to emancipation, while maintaining Irish American patriotism. Evangelical Protestants began discussing temperance, prohibition, and Even broach the subject of votes for women. The leading abolitionist newspaper was William Lloyd Garrison 's Liberator , first issued January 1, , which denounced slavery as a sin against God that had to be immediately stopped. Many abolitionist papers were excluded from the mails; their circulation was forcibly prevented in the South; in Boston, New York, Baltimore, Cincinnati, Alton, and elsewhere, editors were assaulted, offices were attacked and destroyed; rewards were offered in the South for the capture of Greeley and Garrison; in a few instances editors, like Lovejoy at Alton, lost their lives at the hands of mobs.

Nearly every county seat, and most towns of more than or population sponsored one or more weekly newspapers. Politics was of major interest, with the editor-owner typically deeply involved in local party organizations. However, the paper also contained local news, and presented literary columns and book excerpts that catered to an emerging middle class literate audience. A typical rural newspaper provided its readers with a substantial source of national and international news and political commentary, typically reprinted from metropolitan newspapers. Comparison of a subscriber list for with data from the census indicates a readership dominated by property owners but reflecting a cross-section of the population, with personal accounts suggesting the newspaper also reached a wider non-subscribing audience.

In addition, the major metropolitan daily newspapers often prepared weekly editions for circulation to the countryside. Most famously the Weekly New York Tribune was jammed with political, economic and cultural news and features, and was a major resource for the Whig and Republican parties, as well as a window on the international world, and the New York and European cultural scenes. The first newspaper to be published west of the Mississippi was the Missouri Gazette. Its starting issue was published on July 12, by Joseph Charless an Irish printer. Swayed by Meriweather Lewis to leave his home in Kentucky and start a new paper for the Missouri Territory Charles was identified by the paper's masthead as "Printer to the Territory".

Newspapers like the Gazette were instrumental in the founding new territories and supporting their stability as they become states. With westward expansion other territories, like Nebraska, followed in Lewis and Missouri's plan for territory stability and founded a newspaper alongside the opening of the Nebraska Territory in The Nebraska Palladium [48] was a rough newspaper that produced poetry and news from the East, ran advertisements, and created a space for emerging political editorials. Produced during a time when pioneers were far removed from neighbors these early territorial papers brought a sense of community to the territories. Because of the information gap felt by new settlers of the territories such as Kansas, Michigan, Nebraska, and Oklahoma there was a mass startup numerous newspapers.

Frank Luther Mott says, "Wherever a town sprang up, there a printer with a rude press and a 'shirt-tail-full of type' was sure to appear". This idea of news and the newspaper for its own sake, the unprecedented aggressiveness in news-gathering, and the blatant methods by which the cheap papers were popularized aroused the antagonism of the older papers, but created a competition that could not be ignored. Systems of more rapid news-gathering such as by " pony express " and distribution quickly appeared. Sporadic attempts at co-operation in obtaining news had already been made; in the Journal of Commerce , Courier and Enquirer , Tribune , Herald , Sun , and Express formed the New York Associated Press to obtain news for the members jointly.

Out of this idea grew other local, then state, and finally national associations. European news, which, thanks to steamship service, could now be obtained when but half as old as before, became an important feature. In the forties several papers sent correspondents abroad, and in the next decade this field was highly developed. The telegraph, invented in , quickly linked all major cities and most minor ones to a national network that provided news in a matter of minutes or hours rather than days or weeks.

It transformed the news gathering business. Telegraphic columns became a leading feature. The Associated Press AP became the dominant factor in the distribution of news. The inland papers, in such cities as Chicago, Louisville, Cincinnati, St. United Press was formed in the s to challenge the monopoly. The growing number of chains each set up their own internal dissemination system. Out of the period of restless change in the s there emerged a few great editors whose force and ability gave them and their newspapers an influence hitherto unequalled, and made the period between and that of personal journalism.

These few men not only interpreted and reflected the spirit of the time, but were of great influence in shaping and directing public opinion. Consequently, the scope, character, and influence of newspapers was in the period immensely widened and enriched, and rendered relatively free from the worst subjection to political control. Naturally, the outstanding feature of this personal journalism was the editorial.

Rescued from the slough of ponderousness into which it had fallen in its abject and uninspired party service, the editorial was revived, invigorated, and endowed with a vitality that made it the center about which all other features of the newspaper were grouped. It was individual; however large the staff of writers, the editorials were regarded as the utterance of the editor. James Gordon Bennett, Sr. Raymond —69 who were the outstanding figures of the period. Of Bennett's influence something has already been said; especially, he freed his paper from party control. His power was great, but it came from his genius in gathering and presenting news rather than from editorial discussion, for he had no great moral, social or political ideals, and his influence, always lawless and uncertain, can hardly be regarded as characteristic of the period.

Of the others named, and many besides, it could be said with approximate truth that their ideal was "a full presentation and a liberal discussion of all questions of public concernment, from an entirely independent position, and a faithful and impartial exhibition of all movements of interest at home and abroad. The news field was immeasurably broadened; news style was improved; interviews, newly introduced, lent the ease and freshness of dialogue and direct quotation.

There was a notable improvement in the reporting of business, markets, and finance. In a few papers the literary department was conducted by staffs as able as any today. A foreign news service was developed that in intelligence, fidelity, and general excellence reached the highest standard yet attained in American journalism. A favorite feature was the series of letters from the editor or other member of the staff who traveled and wrote of what he heard or saw.

Bowles, Olmsted, Greeley, Bayard Taylor, Bennett, and many others thus observed life and conditions at home or abroad; and they wrote so entertainingly and to such purpose that the letters—those of Olmsted and Taylor, for instance—are still sources of entertainment or information. The growth of these papers meant the development of great staffs of workers that exceeded in numbers anything dreamed of in the preceding period. Although later journalism has far exceeded in this respect the time we are now considering, still the scope, complexity, and excellence of our modern metropolitan journalism in all its aspects were clearly begun between and The New York Tribune under Horace Greeley exhibited the best features of the new and semi-independent personal journalism based upon political party supporters and inspired with an enthusiasm for service that is one of the fine characteristics of the period.

In editing the New Yorker Greeley had acquired experience in literary journalism and in political news; his Jeffersonian and Log Cabin, were popular Whig campaign papers, had brought him into contact with politicians and made his reputation as an insightful, vigorous journalist. He was a staunch party man, therefore he was chosen to manage a party organ when one was needed to support the Whig administration of Harrison.

The prospectus of the New York Tribune appeared April 3, Greeley's ambition was to make the Tribune not only a good party paper, but also the first paper in America, and he succeeded by imparting to it a certain idealistic character with a practical appeal that no other journal possessed. His sound judgment appeared in the unusually able staff that he gathered about him. Almost from the first, the staff that made the Tribune represented a broad catholicity of interests and tastes, in the world of thought as well as in the world of action, and a solid excellence in ability and in organization, which were largely the result of the genius of Greeley and over which he was the master spirit. It included Henry J. Raymond , who later became Greeley's rival on the Times , George M.

It is easy to understand how with such a group of writers the idea of the literary newspaper, which had been alive from the beginning of the century, should have advanced well-night to its greatest perfection. The great popular strength of the Tribune doubtless lay in its disinterested sympathy with all the ideals and sentiments that stirred the popular mind in the forties and fifties. He strongly advocated the protective tariff because he believed that it was for the advantage of the workingman; and the same sympathy led him to give serious attention to the discussion of women's rights with special reference to the equal economic status of women.

There were besides many lesser causes in which the Tribune displayed its spirit of liberalism, such as temperance reform, capital punishment, the Irish repeals, and the liberation of Hungary. On the most important question of the time, the abolition of slavery, Greeley's views were intimately connected with party policy. His antipathy to slavery, based on moral and economic grounds, placed him from the first among the mildly radical reformers. But his views underwent gradual intensification. Acknowledged the most influential Whig party editor in , he had by become the most influential anti-slavery editor—the spokesman not of Whigs merely but of a great class of Northerners who were thoroughly antagonistic to slavery but who had not been satisfied with either the non-political war of Garrison or the one-plank political efforts of the Free Soil party.

This influence was greatly increased between and by some of the most vigorous and trenchant editorial writing America has ever known. The circulation of the Tribune in was, all told, a little less than sixty thousand, two-thirds of which was the Weekly. In the Weekly alone had a circulation of , copies. But even this figure is not the measure of the Tribune' s peculiar influence, "for it was pre-eminently the journal of the rural districts, and one copy did service for many readers. To the people in the Adirondack wilderness it was a political bible, and the well-known scarcity of Democrats there was attributed to it. The work of Greeley and his associates in these years gave a new strength and a new scope and outlook to American journalism.

Greeley was a vigorous advocate of freedom of the press, especially in the s and s. He fought numerous libel lawsuits waged battles with the New York City postmaster, and shrugged off threats of duels and physical violence to his body. Greeley used his hard-hitting editorials to alert the public to dangers to press freedom. He would not tolerate any threats to freedom and democracy which curtailed the ability of the press to serve as a watchdog against corruption and a positive agency of social reform. After replacing Greeley Whitelaw Reid became the powerful long-time editor of the Tribune. He emphasized the importance of partisan newspapers in Henry Jarvis Raymond , who began his journalistic career on the Tribune and gained further experience in editing the respectable, old-fashioned, political Courier and Enquirer , perceived that there was an opening for a type of newspaper that should stand midway between Greeley, the moralist and reformer, and Bennett, the cynical, non-moral news-monger.

He was able to interest friends in raising the hundred thousand dollars that he thought essential to the success of his enterprise. This sum is significant of the development of American daily journalism, for Greeley had started the Tribune only ten years earlier with a capital of one thousand dollars, and Bennett had founded the Herald with nothing at all. On this sound financial basis, Raymond began the career of the New York Times with his business partner George Jones on September 18, , and made it a success from the outset. He perfected his news-gathering forces and brought into play his intimate acquaintance with men of affairs to open up the sources of information. Above all he set a new standard for foreign service.

The American public never had a more general and intelligent interest in European affairs than in the middle years of the 19th century. The leading papers directed their best efforts toward sustaining and improving their foreign service, and Raymond used a brief vacation in Europe to establish for his paper a system of correspondence as trustworthy, if not as inclusive, as that of the Herald or Tribune. If our newspapers today are immeasurably in advance of those of sixty years ago in almost every field of journalism, there is only here and there anything to compare in worth with the foreign correspondence of that time.

The men who wrote from the news centers of Europe were persons of wide political knowledge and experience, and social consequence. They had time and ability to do their work thoroughly, carefully, and intelligently, innocent of superficial effort toward sensation, of the practices of inaccurate brevity and irresponsible haste, which began with the laying of the Atlantic cable. The theory of journalism announced by Raymond in the Times marks another advance over the party principles of his predecessors.

An active ambition for political preferment prevented him from achieving this ideal. Although he professed conservatism only in those cases where conservatism was essential to the public good and radicalism in everything that might require radical treatment and radical reform, the spirit of opposition to the Tribune , as well as his temperamental leanings, carried him definitely to the conservative side. He was by nature inclined to accept the established order and make the best of it. Change, if it came, should come not through radical agitation and revolution, but by cautious and gradual evolution.

The world needed brushing, not harrowing. Such ideas, as he applied them to journalism, appealed to moderate men, reflected the opinions of a large and influential class somewhere between the advanced thinkers and theorists and the mass of men more likely to be swayed by passions of approbation or protest than by reason. It was the tone of the Times that especially distinguished it from its contemporaries. In his first issue Raymond announced his purpose to write in temperate and measured language and to get into a passion as rarely as possible.

His style was gentle, candid, and decisive, and achieved its purpose by facility, clearness, and moderation rather than by powerful fervor and invective. His editorials were generally cautious, impersonal, and finished in form. With abundant self-respect and courtesy, he avoided, as one of his coadjutors said, vulgar abuse of individuals, unjust criticism, or narrow and personal ideas. He had that degree and kind of intelligence that enabled him to appreciate two principles of modern journalism—the application of social ethics to editorial conduct and the maintenance of a comprehensive spirit.

Elaine was preceded Persuasive Essay On Youth Sports death by her loving husband John R. Civil War. Consequently, the scope, character, and influence of Distracted Driving In The United States was The Negative Effects Of Teenage Depression Personal Narrative: My Own Failure period immensely widened and enriched, and rendered relatively free from the worst subjection What Is The Difference Between New England And The Chesapeake Colonies political control. Kronz Bohm T. Niles, What Is The Difference Between New England And The Chesapeake Colonies William H Letters,