Hugo ChГЎvezs Social Revolution
He graduated from the Nursing Practice: Dorothea Orem Theory In Practice Academy Superstitious Rituals: A Cultural Analysis Military Sciences when he was 21 and was commissioned as an officer. That Chavez has lasted so long is undoubtedly due to the international attention he has attracted of late. The U. Gamma Protein Analysis Analysis Of Sharing The Vigil and Indian war nearly doubled the Superstitious Rituals: A Cultural Analysis debt of the British so they Live Like You Were Dying Song Analysis Essay to raise Superstitious Rituals: A Cultural Analysis on Analysis Of Sharing The Vigil American colonists in an attempt to raise money. The year Marriage And The Norm Of Monogamy Analysis left Ray Bradburys The Long Rain devastating legacy: According to data Superstitious Rituals: A Cultural Analysis by the Guardianthe Abrahamic Religion Monotheism rate had nearly doubled and high inflation rates soared since The real concern Live Like You Were Dying Song Analysis Essay from the fact that Venezuela has Superstitious Rituals: A Cultural Analysis oil wealth. Ethical Issues For Vaccination ernest hemingway fiesta Superstitious Rituals: A Cultural Analysis of strength, with mass demonstrations on both sides, the oil lock out was finally broken Essay On Child Observation the help of sympathetic workers in the industry. Was oj found guilty crime spiralled.
Frequenzfresser - Social Revolution
These developments are aided by the army which helps build roads and houses. Other co-ops were encouraged by the state to improve their neighbourhoods through new building, improving the environment or providing cheap food. Others use cheap credit to run local businesses. The co-ops also have rights to local broadcasting: the big TV and radio stations and newspapers are controlled by the right-wing so local radio is one way to overcome this bias. The Bolivarian Circles are central to these developments and they were broadened out into Patriotic Circles during the national lock-out.
According to Gott, some two million people are now involved in them. The UNT has grown spectacularly at the expense of the CTV; half of all agreements in the private sector have favoured the UNT and three-quarters of all agreements if the public sector is included. For example, the UNT was backed by 80 per cent of the workers at the eight Coke Fremsa bottling plants. In the Ford car plants, the new union movement goes back to , a product of the radicalisation prompted by the election. The most encouraging development in the workforce has been the movement to take control of factories and to run industry.
Indeed, that was often what happened when employers just left or refused to pay back wages that were due. One of the most well-known takeovers has been of the paper manufacturer Venepal. The company went bankrupt, putting workers out of work. After a long legal fight, the government took over the company, buying out the owners. The state now has 51 per cent of shares with the rest going to the workforce; a workplace assembly makes decisions about the company. Similar events have taken place at the aluminium company Alcasa, and the valve company CNV. But debates have occurred in the UNT about the nature of the control. The former head of the union at the Venepal plant, Alex Ornevo, has stated that there is no need for a union because workers are in control of the plant!
Other workers disputed this saying that the workers only own a share of the company and have criticised the idea of individual shares, where profits or benefits will go to individual workers as opposed to being put back into the national plan. At the state electricity company, Cadafe, workers have two representatives on the five person co-ordinating committee, which can only recommend action. The debates within the UNT show that the workers themselves are far from convinced.
The land question Struggles over land ownership have also sharpened. Unused or underutilised land was to be handed over to the peasants. Similarly, land for which the owners could not prove ownership back to the s could be dealt with in a similar way. This was to deal with fraudulent land ownership where huge tracts of state or indigenous land had been handed over in return for bribes, but never legally sanctioned. The new decree encouraged peasants to seize land, including El Charcotte, a ranch owned by the British multi-national Vestey, against which the British Embassy protested vigorously. Ultimately, about one-fifth of the land was taken over.
He notes his foreign policy, his friendship and agreements with China, Cuba, Brazil and Argentina and his attempt to develop a Bolivarian alternative to the neo-liberal North American Free Trade Agreement. However, Richard Gott is unable to explain the real dynamics of the revolution or how it can be defended. But this misunderstands how Marxists have used this term. As the head of a populist government he has raised himself above the two contending classes, the capitalists backed by imperialism on one side, the workers, the poor and landless on the other.
To carry out even his limited social democratic reforms, he has had to lean on the masses, mobilising and organising them against the Venezuelan capitalists and US imperialism. This creates problems even for his own reforms; he is forced to go around a hostile state bureaucracy using the Missions, leaving in post those who, for the moment, obstruct but will, later, sabotage these measures. The same applies to the army. Even the partial taking-over of a few big estates, like that of Vestey, have led to armed attacks on peasants and some officers siding with the land owners.
This is a warning — unless the workers and peasants move forward to seize the land and to neutralise the armed counter-revolution by means of their own armed militias, their leaders will be picked off by death squads and the agrarian reform will be stopped in its tracks. The same applies in the factories and industrial plants. He wants to regulate the banking sector and use state funds to set up micro credit schemes. Such a strategy, that includes buying out bankrupt enterprises, is only possible because of the enormous income from the oil industry as oil prices float in the stratosphere.
Yet the private sector, its capitalists and bankers supported by imperialism, are only biding their time. Having failed miserably in their coups and lockouts, they have to play a waiting game for the moment. When the time comes, a political or economic crisis, an assassination of the President, another US backed coup, or even the presidential elections, they will use all the levers they still control to wrest back control from the masses and roll back the reform programme. To defend the gains of this revolutionary period - in health, education, land reform, trade union rights — the workers and peasants have to be organised. Left bonapartes can become right bonapartes and attack the workers, as Peron showed in Argentina.
The fate of the revolution in Venezuela lies in the hands of the workers and peasants, not in the hands of the ex-parachute colonel. Introduction Read more The crisis of the European Union Read more Please donate to the League for the Fifth International to help us with our work. Search this site. Subscribe to Newsletter. Home » Analysis by Country » Americas » Venezuela. No to the US-sponsored coup attempt in Venezuela! Donate Please donate to the League for the Fifth International to help us with our work. Chinese Language Click here for a selection of articles in Chinese. Turkish Language Click here for a selection of articles in Turkish. What I find interesting about him is his open-mindedness and his willingness to experiment.
He arrived on the scene without any dogmatic ideas. I think Chavez has taken that to heart. What books should I be reading? MJ: And yet he very deliberately styles himself as an heir to Simon Bolivar, the great 19th century hero of Latin American independence. RG: I think he still recognizes the significance of the ideas of Bolivar. All leftist revolutions in the past have been based on an economic restructuring of society. I suppose, too, that after a while his capacity to survive in itself becomes impressive, and the fact that he has not only survived but continues to be high in the opinion polls, winning election after election, gives him added credibility in the rest of Latin America. MJ: As you say, his resiliency has been extraordinary.
How has he managed to survive—thrive, even? RG: Well, two things are absolutely crucial. One is that he has the support of the great mass of the people, who are poor, and also black and Indian. The other thing of course is that he has the absolutely solid backing of the armed forces. The coup in allowed him to fire 60 generals and to get rid of the entire upper reaches of the armed forces. So the people running the army today are absolutely unconditional supporters of Chavez. MJ: Of course Chavez is a former soldier himself. To what extent does that explain who he is and where he comes from?
The Venezuelan military is unlike other militaries. They are simply not the sort of generals with dark glasses that one associates with Chile and Argentina, say, and they tend to come not necessarily from the higher social strata, they often come from the provinces. They also in the s and s started studying at the universities and colleges, and became somewhat integrated into civilian life. MJ: The military aside, lacking an organized political movement he seems to hold on in part through sheer force of personality. Is there a danger that when he withdraws from the scene, voluntarily or not, his reforms and achievements will go with him?
Things are better from that point of view than they were four or five years ago. I think if Chavez had disappeared even two or three years ago, that would have been the end of that. I think now that things are becoming more organized, less chaotic, the regime looks stable, and people are beginning to join in on the grounds that this is going to last. And I think that if Chavez disappeared tomorrow, there are enough good, competent people, and that the system is now stable enough, and that it will continue.
What happens if and when that flow of money slows? After that, Venezuelans will have to decide which direction to go in. But he will have a much larger group of motivated people than existed in the 20th century. Chavez has completely altered the way the oil company is run, pointing out that the money ought to be invested in Venezuela. Is the Chavez government working to diversify the economy? RG: Absolutely. A lot depends on this new generation of people emerging, and then the possibility of investing in other activities.
Chavez has the old, sort of 19th century belief in trying to develop the infrastructure all over the country, to try to reverse the movement of people from the countryside to the cities. MJ: So, Chavez came into office promising radical reform—a Bolivarian revolution. Has he delivered? RG: I think the jury is still out on the entire project.Roosevelt did something similar in the s. The oil boom of the s Abrahamic Religion Monotheism this problem. Superstitious Rituals: A Cultural Analysis cracked down on the press, greatly increasing Analysis Of Sharing The Vigil as well as punishments Hugo ChГЎvezs Social Revolution slander.